Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. 'Royalty for Commoners', line 425A. Born ca. 12 72 BCE, died ca. 1225 Prince Khaemwaset of Egypt aceeded 1230 BCE, made heir by his father. H is birth name, Kha-em-waset, means "Appearing in Thebes." He was famo us as a "magician," and is often referred to today as the first archaeolog ist thanks to his interest in ancient monuments (!) and their restorati on (the 5th Dynasty pyramid of Unas at Saqqara bears his inscription hi gh up on the south face)
King of Egypt , in Intermediate period. 1737-1727 BCE.
Died 1388 BCE He was the Pharoah of Egypt from about 1398 to 1388 BCE, the 8th rul er of the 18th Dynasty Sources: 1. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #1, pp. 320-321. 2. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.89. The Pharaoh Tuthmosis IV, who ruled during Egypt famous 18th Dynasty, is p robably most famous for his "Dream Stele, that can still today be found be tween the paws of the great Sphinx at Giza. Dreams were important in ancie nt Egypt and were considered to be divine predictions of the future. In T uthmosis IV's "Dream Stele", he tells us that, while out on a hunting tri p, he fell asleep in the shadow of the Sphinx (or apparently, the shad ow of the Sphinx's head, for the monument was apparently buried in sa nd at the time). In the young prince's sleep, Re-Harakhte, the sun god em bodied in the Sphinx, came to him in a dream and promised that if he wou ld clear away the sand that engulfed the monument, Tuthmosis would beco me king of Egypt. Tuthmosis IV's Dream Stele, In part, the stele reads: "Now the statue of the very great Khepri (the Great Sphix) restin in th is place, great of fame, sacred of respect, the shade of Ra resting on hi m. Memphis and every city on its two sides came to him, their arms in ador ation to his face, bearing great offerings for his ka. One of these da ys it happened that price Tuthmosis came travelling at the time of midda y. He rested in the shadow of the great god. (Sleep and) dream (took pos session of me) at the moment the sun was at zenith. Then he found the maj esty of this noble god speaking from his own mouth like a father spea ks to his son, and saying, 'Look at me, observe me, my son Tuthmosi s. I am your father, Horemakhet-Khepri-Ra-Atum. I shall give to you t he kingship (upon the land before the living)...(Behold, my condition is l ike one in illness), all (my limbs being ruined). The sand of the deser t, upon which I used to be, (now) confronts me; and it is in order to cau se that you do what is in my heart that I have waited." Obviously, the prince carried out these instructions, and thus became t he eighth ruler of the 18th Dynasty. Tuthmosis IV's name means, "Born of the God Thoth". His throne name was M en-kheperu-re, meaning "Everlasting are the Manifestations of Re". We c an also find references to him under the names of Thuthmose IV, Thutmos is IV, and Djehutymes IV. He ruled Egypt between 1419 and 1386 BC. He w as apparently the son of Amenhotep II by his wife, Tiaa, but Egyptologis ts speculate whether, because of the wording of the "Dream Stele", his cla im on the Egyptian throne was legitimate. In fact, other evidence suppor ts this contention. His father, Amenhotep II, never recognized Tuthmos is as a co-regent, or announced any intent for Thutmosis to succeed him. We know that Tuthmosis IV was probably married to Mutemwiya, who produc ed his heir to the throne, Amenhotep III, though he never acknowledged h er as either a major or minor queen. It is possible, though now doubt ed by some, that she was the daughter of he Mitannian king, Artatama, w ho sent his daughter to the Egyptian court as part of a diplomatic exchang e. Other of his wives included Merytra, who we believe later changed her n ame to Tiaa (same as his mother's name) and a non-royal wife, Nefertir y. He probably also married one of his sisters named Iaret. Tuthmosis IV is not the best documented of Egyptian pharaohs. We actual ly know very little about him in comparison to others of this dynasty. Li ttle military action appears to have occurred during his reign, although o ur knowledge may be marred by the lack of texts. We do know that there w as a Nubian campaign in Year 8 of his rule, and that apparently there we re also campaigns in Syria. However, even though the king is referr ed to twice as the "conqueror of Syria", these may have actually been litt le more then policing actions, rather than full scale battles. Little is also known of his building work. Tuthmosis IV did finish a gia nt obelisk that was originally quarried at Aswan under Tuthmosis III, h is grandfather. At 32 meters (105 feet) it was the tallest Egyptian obeli sk that we know of, and was uniquely intended to stand as a single obeli sk at the Temple of Karnak. Most of the obelisks were usually erect ed in pairs. However, Tuthmosis III originally intended for the re to be a pair of these Obelisks. Its counterpart developed a fault duri ng the quarry process, and remains today joined to the bed-rock at Aswa n. Today, the finished obelisk stands outside St. John Leteran in Rome, ra ther then in Egypt. He also began work work at most of Egypt's major temple sites and four sit es in Nubia, but almost all of this was simply adding to existing monument s. Most of his work was adding to the temples of his father and grandfathe r, and perhaps suggesting new sites and monuments to his son. We know of his minor building projects in the following locations: The Delta at Alexandria Seriakus Heliopolis (possibly) Giza Abusir Saqqara Memphis Crocodilopos in the Fayoum Hermopolis Amarna Abydos (a chapel) Dendera Medamud Karnak Luxor The West Bank at Luxor (his tomb and mortuary temple) Armant Tod Elkab Edfu Elephantine Konosso In Nubia at the following locations: Faras Buhen Amada (where he decorated the peristyle court) Tabo Gebel Barkal (a foundation deposit) He also provided some decorations in the Hathor temple at the Serabit el-K hadim turquoise mines in the Sinai. His best attested building project we have available today is his own tom b, KV 43, located in the Valley of the Kings and discovered by Howard Cart er. However, his mummy was missing from his tomb, having been found fi ve years earlier in a cache of mummies located in the tomb of Amenhotep I I. Perhaps better known are the fine private tombs built by his nobl es on the West Bank at Luxor (ancient Thebes) in an area commonly referr ed to as the Tombs of the Nobles. These include such notable tombs as th at of Nakht (TT 52) and Menna (TT 69). References: Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 Complete Valley of the Kings, The (Tombs and Treasures of Egypt's Greate st Pharaohs) Reeves, Nicholas; Wilkinson, Richard H. 1966 Thames and Huds on Ltd IBSN 0-500-05080-5 Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Who Were the Phraohs? (A history of their names with a list of cartouche s) Quirke, Stephen 1990 Dover Publications ISBN 0-486-26586-2
She is most certainly the daughter of vizier Senebhanef and the heredita ry princess Sebekhotep Both wives listed are the same person. An error in the program will not al low them to be listed as such.
She is most certainly the daughter of vizier Senebhanef and the heredita ry princess Sebekhotep Both wives listed are the same person. An error in the program will not al low them to be listed as such.
The 13th son of Ramesses, by Queen Istnofret. He was a conscientious rule r, if less dazzling than his father. In addition to the almost mandatory t emple building, he was particularly involved with foreign relations. His g enerosity of spirit was evidenced by his supplying grain to the Hittite s, once Egypt's enemy, during a time of famine. Born 1265 BCE, died 1202. ca. 1212 BCE, acted first as regent in his father's stead, and then succee ded him, probably in his sixties at the time. ca. 1225 made heir of his fa ther on the death of his brother Khaemwaset. His throne name, Ba-en-re Mer y-netjeru, means "The Soul of Re, Beloved of the Gods." 1207 BCE, he defeated infiltrating Libyans with a rapid mobilization a nd a heavy pre-emptive strike leaving the Libyans totally vanquished, a nd then turning on the Nubians who had risen to support the Libyans a nd in turn defeating them. His birth name and epithet, Mer-ne-ptah Hetephe r-maat, means "Beloved of Ptah, Joyous is Truth." Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. 'Royalty for Commoners', line 425. ; 2. Edward s, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds.) 'The Camb ridge Ancient History' 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.225-232. 2. Mark Millmore http://www.eyelid.co.uk/k-q5.htm Additional Information In his last years, Rameses II had allowed the whole of the west side of t he Delta to fall into the hands of foreigners, and on the east side the na tive Egyptians were being rapidly ousted by foreign settlers. His extravag ant building projects had damaged the economy of the country and the peop le were impoverished. Now, through neglect, Egypt was in danger of losi ng the whole Delta, first to foreign immigrants and then by armed invasion . This is the situation Rameses' son, Merenptah, inherited. He spent the fir st few years of his reign making preparations for the struggle which he kn ew to be inevitable. For the first time in over 400 years, since the Hyks os shepherd kings had seized the delta at the end of the middle kingdom, E gypt was in danger of being overrun. The Libyan chief, Meryawy, had decided to attack and conquer the Del ta he was convinced of an easy victory believing the Egyptians to have gro wn soft. So confident was he that he brought his wife and children and a ll his possessions with him. The night before the decisive battle Merenptah had a prophetic dream, "H is Majesty saw in a dream as if a statue of the god Ptah stood before h is Majesty. He said, while holding out a sword to him, 'Take it and bani sh fear from thee'." Merenptah had stationed archers in strategic positions, and they poured th eir arrows into the invading armies. "The bow -men of his Majesty spent s ix hours of destruction among them, then they were delivered to the sword. " Then when the enemy showed signs of breaking, Merenptah let loose his char ioteers among them. He had promised his people that he would bring the ene my "like netted fish on their bellies", and he fulfilled his promise. H is Triumph-Song shows that he regarded the defeat of the Libyans not so mu ch as a great victory but rather as a deliverance. "To Egypt has come great joy. The people speak of the victories which Ki ng Merenptah has won against the Tahenu: How beloved is he, our victorious Ruler! How magnified is he among the gods! How fortunate is he, the commanding Lord! Sit down happily and talk, or walk far out on the roads, for now the re is no fear in the hearts of the people. The fortresses are abandoned, the wells are reopened; the messengers loit er under the battlements, cool from the sun; the soldiers lie asleep, ev en the border-scouts go in the fields as they list. The herds of the field need no herdsmen when crossing the fullness of t he stream. No more is there the raising of a shout in the night, 'Stop! Someone is co ming! Someone is coming speaking a foreign language!' Everyone comes and goes with singing, and no longer is heard the sighing l ament of men. The towns are settled anew, and the husband man eats of the harvest th at he himself sowed. God has turned again towards Egypt, for King Merenptah was born, destin ed to be her protector." The defeat of the Libyans saved Egypt from utter ruin but her economic a nd political decline continued at a steady pace. The only other reco rd of this time is of a grain shipment to the Hittites to relieve a fami ne so it seems the treaty between the two peoples continued to hold firm. The rest of the dynasty is torn by political struggles for the throne. The se pharaohs were all weaklings and their disputes only served to plunge t he country into civil disorder. "The land of Egypt was overthrown. Every man was his own guide, they h ad no superiors. The land was in chiefships and princedoms, each killed t he other among noble and mean."
Died 1348 BCE He was the Pharoah of Egypt (XVIII Dynasty) from about 1388 to 1348 BCE. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #1, pps. 321-322 & 338 -346. We believe that Amenhotep III ruled for almost 40 years during the 18th Dy nasty of Egypt's history that represented one of its most prosperous and s table periods. We must grant to Amenhotep III's grandfather, Tuthmosis II I, who is sometimes referred to as the Napoleon of ancient Egypt, the foun dation of this success by dominating through military action Egypt's Syria n, Nubian and Libyan neighbors. Because of that, little or no military act ions were called for during his grandson's reign. The small police actio ns in Nubia that did take place were directed by his son and viceroy of Ku sh, Merymose (or perhaps an earlier viceroy) . Amenhotep (or heqawaset) was this kings birth name, meaning "Amun is Pleas ed, Ruler of Thebes. His throne name was Nub-maat-re, which means "Lo rd of Truth is Re. Amenhotep III's birth is splendidly depicted in a seri es of reliefs inside a room on the east side of the temple of Luxor. Bui lt by Amenhotep III, the room was dedicated to Amun. However, it portra ys the creator god, Khnum of Elephantine (at modern Aswan) with his ram he ad, fashioning the child and his ka on a potter's wheel under the supervis ion of the goddess Isis. The god Amun is then led to Amenhotep III's moth er by Thoth, god of wisdom, after which Amun is shown in the presence of t he goddesses Hathor and Mut while they nurse the future king. His father was Tuthmosis IV by one of that king's chief queens, Mutemwiy a. She may have, though mostly in doubt now, been the daughter of the Mita nnian king, Artatama. That queen was indeed probably sent to Egypt for t he purposes of a diplomatic marriage. It is more than likely that Amenhotep III succeeded to the throne of Egy pt as a child, sometime between the ages of two and twelve years of age. T here is a statue of the treasurer Sobekhotep holding a prince Amenhotep-me r-khepseh that was most likely executed shortly before Tuthmosis IV's deat h, as well as a painting in the tomb of the royal nurse, Hekarnehhe (TT6 4) portraying the prince as a young boy, though not a small child. This, a nd the fact that his mother is not so very prominently visible, along wi th other factors, suggests that he was more likely between six and twel ve years of age at the time of his father's death. It is unlikely that his mother, Mutemwiya, served as a regent for the you ng king, and whoever may have been in charge at the beginning of his rei gn seems to have remained in the background. Amenhotep III's own chief queen, who he married in year two of his reig n, was not of royal blood, but came from a very substantial family. She w as Tiy, the daughter of Yuya and his wife, Tuya, who owned vast holdin gs in the Delta. Yuya was also a powerful military leader. Their tomb, num bered KV46 in the Valley of the Kings, is well known. His brother-in-l aw by this marriage, Anen, would during his reign also rise to great pow er as Chancellor of Lower Egypt, Second Prophet of Amun, sem-priest of Hel iopolis, and Divine Father. It is possible that the king's early regency w as carried out by his wife's family. However, it would seem that Amenhotep collected a large harem of ladies ov er the years, including several from diplomatic marriages, including Giluk hepa, a princess of Naharin, as well as two of his daughters (Isis a nd in year 30 of his reign, Sitamun or Satamun, who bore the title "gre at royal wife" simultaneously with her mother). We can document at least s ix of his children consisting of two sons and four daughters (other daught ers including Henuttaneb and Nebetiah). However, his probable oldest so n, Tuthmosis who was a sem-priest, died early leaving the future heretic k ing, Amenhotep IV, otherwise known as Akhenaten, as the crown prince. The King's Early Years In essence, we may split Amenhotep III's reign into two parts, with his ea rliest years given much to sportsmanship with a few minor military activit ies. While as usual, an expedition into Nubia in year five of his reign w as given grandiose attention on some reliefs, it probably amounted to noth ing more than a low key police action. However, it may have pushed as f or as south of the fifth cataract. It was recorded on inscriptions near As wan and at Konosso in Nubia. There is also a stele in the British Museum r ecording a Nubian campaign, but it is unclear whether it references this f irst action, or one later in his reign. There was also a Nubian rebellion reported at Ibhet, crushed by his son. W hile Amenhotep III was almost certainly not directly involved in this conf lict, he records having slaughtered many within the space of a single hou r. We learn from inscriptions that this campaign resulted in the captu re of 150 Nubian men, 250 women, 175 children, 110 archers and 55 servant s, added to the 312 right hands of the slain. Perhaps to underscore the Kushite subjection to Egypt, he had built at Sol eb, almost directly across the Nile from the Nubian capital at Kerma, a fo rtress known as Khaemmaat, along with a temple. The Prosperity and International Relationships However, by year 25 of Amenhotep III's reign, military problems seem to ha ve been settled, and we find a long period of great building works and hi gh art. It was also a period of lavish luxury at the royal court. The wea lth needed to accomplish all of this did not come from conquests, but rath er from foreign trade and an abundant supply of gold, mostly from the min es in the Wadi Hammamat and further south in Nubia. Amenhotep III was unquestionably involved with international diplomatic ef forts, which led to increased foreign trade. During his reign, we find a m arked increase in Egyptian materials found on the Greek mainland. We al so find many Egyptian place names, including Mycenae, Phaistos and Knoss os first appearing in Egyptian inscriptions We also find letters written b etween Amenhotep III and his peers in Babylon, Mitanni and Arzawa preserv ed in cuneiform writing on clay tablets. From a stele in his mortuary temp le, we further learn that he sent at least one expedition to punt. It is rather clear that the nobility prospered during the reign of Amenhot ep III. However, the plight of common Egyptians is less sure, and we ha ve little evidence to suggest that they shared in Egypt's prosperity. Ye t, Amenhotep III and his granary official Khaemhet boasted of the great cr ops of grain harvested in the kings 30th (jubilee) year. And while such ev idence is hardly unbiased, the king was remembered even 1,000 years lat er as a fertility god, associated with agricultural success. Building Projects Though a number of Amenhotep III's building projects no longer exist, we f ind at Karnak almost a complete makeover of the temple, including his effo rts to embellish the already monumental temple to Amun, as well as his t he East Temple for the sun god and his own festival building. His impa ct in the Karnak temple was thematic, leaving the impression of a warri or king whose victories honored both himself and the God Amun, and he chan ged the face of this temple almost completely. He had his workers dismant le the peristyle court in front of the Fourth Pylon, as well as the shrin es associated with it, using them as fill for a new Pylon, the Third, on t he east-west axis. This created a new entrance to the temple, and he had t wo rows of columns with open papyrus capitals erected down the center of t he newly formed forecourt. At the south end of Karnak, he began constructi on on the Tenth Pylon, with a slightly different orientation then th at of the Seventh and Eighth, in order for it to lead to a new entrance f or the percent of the goddess Mut. He may have even started a new temple f or her. To balance the south temple complex, he built a new shrine to t he goddess Ma'at, the daughter of the sun-god, to the north of central Kar nak. At Luxor he built a new temple to the same god, including the still standi ng colonnaded court. That effort is considered a masterpiece of elegance a nd design and particular credit must be given to his mater architect, Ame nhotep son of Hapu. He also built a monumental mortuary temple on the West Bank at Thebes (mod ern Luxor) that is the single largest royal temple known to us from ancie nt Egypt. Unfortunately, it was built much too close to the flood plain a nd was in ruins by the 19th Dynasty, when material was quarried from it f or new building projects. While some of the ground plan of the temple m ay be made out, the only material remains are the Colossi of Memnon. The se statues were misnamed by the Greeks, but actually depict Amenhotep II I. The southern of the statues also depicts the two most important wom en in the king's life, his mother Mutemwiya and his wife, Queen Tiy. Howev er, it should be noted that within the grounds of the temple, more fragmen ts of colossal statuary have been found than in any other known sacred pre cinct. In the fields behind the statues, also stands a great, repaired ste le that was once in the sanctuary of his temple, around which are locat ed fragments of sculptures. The West Bank was also the site of Amenhotep III's huge palace, called Mal kata. Fragments of this building remain, unlike most other royal residence s. From this scant evidence, it would seem that the walls were plastered a nd painted with lively scenes from nature. Next to the palace complex he a lso built a great harbor. Further south on the west bank at Kom el-Samak, Amenhotep III also bui lt a jubilee pavilion of painted mud brick and at Sumenu, some twenty kilo meters south of Thebes the king built a temple dedicated to the cult of t he crocodile god, Sobek. Along with these building projects, we also know that he developed and exp anded cults at a number of other locations including Amada (for Amun and R a-Horakhty), Hebenu and Hermopolis, where we find two colossus statu es of baboons and an altar. There were other building projects in Egypt pr oper at Memphis, where blocks of brown quartzite remain from the king's gr eat temple called "Nebmaatra United with Ptah", Elephantine (now destroye d) and a completed chapel at Elkab. Building elements at Bubastis, Athribi s, Letopolis and Heliopolis also attest to the king's interest in the east ern Delta. He also built temples are shrines in Nubia at Quban, Wadi es-Se bua, Sedinga, Soleb and Tabo Island. There were also building elemen ts or stele in his name at Aniba, Buhen, Mirgissa, Kawa and Gebel Barkal. Artistry of the Period Artistically, many of the royal portraits of the king in sculptor are tru ly masterpieces of any historical age. After the Colossi of Memnon, the la rgest of these is the limestone statue of the king and queen with three sm all standing princesses discovered at Medinet Habu. However, many other st atues give the king a look of reflection, and bringing to life emotional e mphasis. We find grand statues of black granite depicting a seated Amenhot ep wearing the nemes headdress, unearthed by Belzoni from behind the Colos si of Memnon and from Tanis in the Delta. Others statues and some relie fs and paintings depict the king wearing the more helmet like khepresh, so metimes referred to as the Blue, or War Crown. Even in recent years, some statuary of Amenhotep III continues to be disco vered, such as an incredible six foot (1.83 meter) high pink quartzite sta tue of the king standing on a sledge and wearing the Double Crown of Egyp t. It was discovered in the courtyard of Amenhotep III colonnade of the Lu xor temple in 1989. This particular statue was unearthed completely intac t, with the only damage resulting from a careful removal of the name Am un during the reign of his son. This statue was probably executed la te in his reign, regardless of the fact that is shows a youthful king. So good were many of his statues that they were later usurped by kings, so metimes by them simply overwriting his cartouche with their own. At oth er times, such as in the case of the huge red granite head found by Belzo ni and initially identified as representing Tuthmosis III, his statues we re more extensively reworked (this example by Ramesses II). We also find many other fine statues, paintings and reliefs executed duri ng the life of Amenhotep III. Two well known portraits of his principle qu een include a small ebony head now in Berlin, and a small faced and crown ed head found by Petrie at the temple of Serabit el-Khadim in the Sina i. A cartouche on the front of the crown allowed precise identificati on as that of Tiy. We also find Tiy appearing with the king on temple wal ls at Soleb and west Thebes. However, there are also fine reliefs of h er in some of the courtier tombs, such as TT47 belonging to Userhet and TT 192 of Khereuf. There was also a proliferation of private statues, as well as many fine pr ivate tombs with excellent artwork (such as TT55, the Tomb of Ramose) duri ng the reign of Amenhotep III, including a number representing Amenhotep s on of Hapu, his well known architect, but also of other nobles and dignita ries. Other notable items include the set of rose granite lions original ly placed before the temple at Soleb in Nubia, but later moved to the Temp le at Gebel Barkal. Religion and the King's Deification It is likely that Amenhotep III was deified during his own lifetime, and t hat the worship of the sun god, Aten, by his son may have directly or indi rectly also involved the worship of his father. Amenhotep III was somewh at insistent that he be identified with this sun god during his lifetim e. From the time of his first jubilee in his 30 years of reign, we find sc enes where he is depicted taking the role of Ra riding in his solar boa t. Of course, the king was expected to merge with the sun after his deat h, but in Amenhotep III's case, we find that he named his palace complex " the gleaming Aten", and used stamp seals for commodities that may be rea d, "Nebmaatra (one of his names) is the gleaming Aten". He consistently i dentified himself with the national deities rather than his royal predeces sors, even representing himself as the substitute for major gods in a f ew instances. We even find during his reign the solorization of many we ll known gods, including Nekhbet, Amun, Thoth and Horus-khenty-khety. Yet, no stele or statues we know for certain were dedicated to Amenhotep I II as a major deity during his lifetime. It is notable that the deificati on of Ramesses II only 100 years later carried with it a significant numb er of monuments identifying him as a deity during his lifetime. Nevertheless, it has been argued that his son, best known as Akhenaten, m ay have worshipped his father as Aten. There are many arguments against th is, but it is clear that at least to some degree, it is true. After all, t he deceased king was identified with the Aten upon his death. But wheth er he was worshipped as such during his lifetime may ultimately depe nd on whether or not Akhenaten ruled as a co-regent before his father's de ath. If they did rule together, than objects venerating Amenhotep III duri ng Akhenaten's reign could be seen as worship of a living deity, though n ot necessarily as the Aten. Regardless, this is all a mater of hot deba te within Egyptology circles, thought the answers today seem no clearer. The End of the Reign From clay dockets at his Malkata palace, we believe Amenhotep III may ha ve died in about the 39th year of his rule, perhaps when he was only 45 ye ars old. His wife, Tiy, apparently outlived him by as many as twelve year s. She is shown, along with her youngest daughter, Beket-Aten, in a reli ef on an Amarna Tomb that may be dated to between year nine and twel ve of Akhetaten's reign. From a group of well known documents called the A marna Letters, we find inquires about her health that lead us to believe t hat she may have lived in her son's capital for a time prior to her deat h. Regardless, upon her death, she may have first been buried at Amarna b ut was then returned to Thebes where she was buried along with her husba nd in tomb WV22 in the Valley of the Kings. However, it is also possible t hat she may have been buried in tomb KV55, where objects bearing her na me have also been discovered. Neither the king or his queen were discover ed in that tomb, but it is very possible Queen Tiy may be the "Elder Woma n) from the cache of mummies found by Loret in KV35, the tomb of Amenhot ep II. For many years, it was also though that Amenhotep III's body was al so a part of that cache, but fairly recent analysis indicates that the bo dy thought to be his may instead by that of his son, or possibly even A y, one of the last kings of the 18th Dynasty. Additional References: Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2
Born/Died ca. 710-664 BCE His full name was "Mrenkheperre" and he was king of Sais and Memph is as an Assyrian vassal. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 420. 2. Bury, J.B., Cook, S.A. and Adcock, F.E. "The Cambridge Ancient Histor y" Vol.III, pp.286. Necho I (sometimes Nekau) (672 BC664 BC) was the Prince or Governor of the Egyptian city of Sais. He was the first attested local Saite king of the Twenty-sixth dynasty of Egypt who reigned for 8 years, according to Manetho's Epitome. Egypt was reunified by his son, Psamtik I. Necho I is primarily known from Assyrian documents but is now also attested in one contemporary Egyptian document from his reign. He was officially "installed" at Sais by Assurbanipal around 670 BC, but he already ruled Egypt as a local king prior to this event. According to historical records, Necho I was killed by an invading Kushite force in 664 BC under Tantamani for being an ally of Assyria. The Nubian invasion into the Egyptian Delta was subsequently repelled by the Assyrians who proceeded to advance south into Upper Egypt and sack Thebes. Necho I's Year 2 is now attested on a privately held donation stela that was first published by Olivier Perdu  The stela records a large land donation to the Osirian triad of PerHebyt (modern Behbeit el-Hagar near Sebennytos) by the "priest of Isis, Mistress of Hebyt, Great Chief...son of Iuput, Akanosh." The stela is very similar in style, content and epigraphy with the Year 8 donation stela of Shepsesre Tefnakht. Necho was perhaps the brother of Nekauba--whose status as a king of Sais is currently unproven. He married Istemabet, and they were the parents of Psamtik I and his sister
Born/Died ca. 660-595 BCE His ruling name was "Wehemibre" and he was Pharoah of Egypt at Sais (XX VI Dynasty) from about 610 to 595 BCE. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 420. 2. Bury, J.B., Cook, S.A. and Adcock, F.E. "The Cambridge Ancient Histor y" Vol.III, pp.286-287. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.210. Additional Data: Nekau (II), who we know better as Necho, was either the 2nd or 3rd ki ng of Egypt's 26th Dynasty, depending on whether we allow the rule of a no minal king Nekau I at the beginning of the Dynasty. Nekau was his Birth na me, and Necho is actually his Greek name. His Throne name was Wah-em-ib-r e, which means "Carrying out the Wish of Re Forever". He came to the throne, succeeding his father, Psammetichus I in about 6 10 BC., and probably ruled Egypt until about 595 BC. He continued the fore ign involvement of his father, and Palestine once more became an Egypti an possession. In fact, much of Egypt's involvement in that area is fou nd in the Biblical account of the Book of Kings. Initially things went we ll for Nekau II and we find the Egyptian forces campaigning east of the Eu phrates river against the Chaldaeans, defeating Josiah of Judah in 609 B C. at Harran. This allowed the Egyptians to establish themselves on the Eu phrates for a short while, though apparently the Egyptians did not e nd up controlling that city. He then intervened in the kingdom of Isra el and deposed Josiah's son Jehoahaz, replacing him with his brother Eliak im (Jehoiakim (II Kings 23: 29-35). Afterwards, we are told that Jerusal em paid tribute to Egypt. He also ruled Syria at least as for as Carchemis h. But this position was also soon lost, when in 605 BC, the king suffer ed a catastrophic loss. The son of the Babylonian king, Nabopolassar was s ent to deal with Syria. This was Nebuchadrezzar, and he captured Carchemi sh from the Egyptians, and then pursued the fleeing army as far as Hamat h, where he apparently overwhelmed them. Hence, this was followed by a ret reat to by the Egyptians to their eastern frontier at Gaza. Necho is known to have been responsible for monuments honoring the Apris B ull in Memphis. We also find inscriptional evidence of the king in the qua rries of the Mokattam Hills. But in many ways, Necho was a very foresighted individual who's vision inc luded a "Suez Canal" almost 2,500 years prior to the modern construc t. He had a navigable canal dug, using some 12,000 workers, through the W adi Tumilat between the Pelusiac branch of the Nile (where the great front ier fortress of Pelusium was located) and the Red Sea. H \caused a great p ort city, Per-Temu-Tjeku ("the House of Atum of Tjeku", modern Tell el-Mas hkuta) west of modern Ismailia to be built on the canal, and like Suez lat er, its fortunes were inevitably linked with this new waterway. Traditi on held that this was the Biblical city of Pithom, but recent excavatio ns have shown this to be incorrect. At this time, Greece was expanding her trading contacts and Necho took t he opportunity to recruit displaced Ionian Greeks to form an Egyptian Nav y. This was, militarily, revolutionary, for the Egyptians had an inhere nt distaste for and fear of the sea. While this new navy was probably n ot much threat to his rivals, it did lead to other benefits, such as the c reation of a new African trade route. He also encouraged some Greek settle ment in the Delta. When Nacho II died in 595 BCE., he left behind a son and three daughter s. His son, Psammetichus II, only ruled for a brief period. References: Atlas of Ancient Egypt Baines, John; Malek, Jaromir 1980 Les Livres De Fra nce None Stated Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Who Were the Phraohs? (A history of their names with a list of cartouche s) Quirke, Stephen 1990 Dover Publications ISBN 0-486-26586-2
If we mention the famous women of Egypt, including Hatshepsut and Cleopat ra along with them we would have to name Nefertari, if for no other reas on then her well known tomb. We know a great deal about Queens Hatcheps ut and Cleopatra, but of course they were pharaohs. It is very possible that Nefertari grew up as the daughter of a noblem an in Thebes. One of Nefertari's names was Mery-en-Mut, which means, "Belo ved of Mut". As the wife of Amun, Mut was part of the Theban tria d. It is interesting to note that post references to Nefertari come from U pper (southern) Egypt, while most of the other principal queen, Istnofre t, are found in Lower, or northern Egypt. Furthermore, Ramesses II probab ly had a better power structure in northern Egypt, and it is thought th at he may have married a Theban to enhance his position in the South. T he two queens, Nefertari and Istnofret, could have possibly even had a div ision of duties geographically. However, it is has also been suggested th at Nefertari could have been a daughter of Seti I, making her a half sist er of Ramesses II. Nefertari was most likely Ramesses II's first wife when the prince was on ly fifteen. She provided him with his first male heir, Amun-her-khepsesh ef (Amun Is with His Strong Arm), even prior to his ascending the thro ne of Egypt. In addition, Ramesses II also fathered at least three more so ns and two daughters by Nefertari. In fact, her oldest daughter, Meryetam un probably later also married Ramesses II, possibly after the death of h er mother, apparently when Nefertari was in her early forties. She was probably Ramesses II's chief queen, at least up until her dea th in about year 24 of Ramesses II's reign. From her tomb, we know a numb er of her other names and titles. They included "Hereditary Noblewoman; G reat of Favors; Possessor of Charm, Sweetness and Love; Mistress of Upp er and Lower Egypt; the Osiris; The King's Great Wife; Mistress of the T wo Lands, Nefertari, Beloved of Mut, Revered Before Osiris". Surely Ramesses II loved Nefertari. Few queens were built anything ne ar as grand a shrine as her temple dedicated to Hathor at Abu Simbel, ne ar the somewhat larger temple of her husband. Her tomb in the Valley of t he Queens on the West Bank at Luxor (ancient Thebes) is today, one of t he most fabulously decorated tombs at Luxor or anywhere else in Egyp t. If one had only time enough to visit one tomb on the West Bank, it shou ld be this one. Ramesses II, who said of Nefertari, "the one for whom t he sun shines", even wrote of his weakness for the queen: "My love is unique - no one can rival her, for she is the most beautiful w oman alive. Just by passing, she has stolen away my heart." Other then her tomb and temple at Abu Sembel, Nefertari is also famous f or her beauty. We have no mummy to help substantiate these claims, but th ere is plenty of documentary evidence including images, although at this p oint in Egypt's history, portraitures were not known for being complete ly accurate. Even in ancient Egypt Nefertari was famous, becoming deifi ed even before her death. It is said that as Great Royal Wife, her high st atus and and great authority within the royal court, along with her appare nt beauty, charm, "sweetness", intelligence and guile, she may have been o ne of Egypt's greatest queens. A description at Luxor Temple, says of her: greatly favored, possessing charm, sweet of love.... Rich in love, weari ng the circlet-diadem, singer fair of face, beautiful with the tall twin p lumes, Chief of the Harim of Horus, Lord of the Palace; one is pleased wi th what(ever) comes forth concerning her; who has (only to) say anythin g, and it is done for her - every good thing, at her wish (?); her every w ord, how pleasing on the ear - one lives at just hearing her voice..."
She died sometime before Year 11 (of Tuthmosis II), before her husband, Tu thmosis III, began his reign.
18th Dynasty, Nehi served as Viceroy of Nubia during the reign of Tuthmos is III. He was known as the "King's Son of Kush". He governed the territor ies below the First Cataract of the Nile and was stationed at Elephanti ne Island at Aswan. Annually, tribute was brought to the king by Nehi a nd he was praised for his service on a stela of victory at Wadi Halfa.
Born ca. 580 BCE
Born ca. 900 BCE He was Great Priest of Amun later pharoah. Sources: Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.160. Usermaatre Setepenamun Osorkon II was a pharaoh of the Twenty-second Dynasty of Ancient Egypt and the son of Takelot I and Queen Kapes. He ruled Egypt around 872 BC to 837 BC from Tanis, the capital of this Dynasty. After succeeding his father, he was faced with the competing rule of his cousin, King Harsiese A, who controlled both Thebes and the Western Oasis of Egypt. Osorkon feared the serious challenge posed by Harsiese's kingship to his authority, but, when Harsiese conveniently died in 860 BC, Osorkon II ensured that this problem would not recur by appointing his own son Nimlot C as the High Priest of Amun at Thebes. His younger son Shoshenq was made the High Priest of Ptah in Memphis. In this period of Egypt's history, religious and political power were at their most inseparable. According to a recent paper by Karl Jansen-Winkeln, king Harsiese A, and his son [..du] were only ordinary Priests of Amun, rather than High Priests of Amun, as was previously assumed. The inscription on the Koptos lid for [..du], Harsiese A's son, never once gives him the title of High Priest. demonstrates that the High Priest Harsiese who served is attested in statue CGC 42225 which mentions this High Priest and is dated explicitly under Osorkon II was, in fact, Harsiese B. The High Priest Harsiese B served Osorkon II in his final 3 years. This statue was dedicated by the Letter Writer to Pharaoh Hor IX, who was one of the most powerful men in his time. However, Hor IX almost certainly lived during the end of Osorkon II's reign since he features on Temple J in Karnak which was built late in this Pharaoh's reign, along with the serving High Priest Takelot F(the son of the High Priest Nimlot C and therefore, Osorkon II's grandson). Hor IX later served under both Shoshenq III, Pedubast I and Shoshenq VI. This means that the High Priest Harsiese mentioned on statue CGC 42225 must be the second Harsiese: Harsiese B. Wikipedia®
Born/Died ca. 955-889 BCE His ruling name was "Sekhemkheperre-Setpenre" and he was Pharoah of Egy pt at Bubastis (XXII Dynasty) from about 927 to 8929 BC. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 422. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp.881, chart. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.160 & 209. Osorkon I is in the second king of the Twenty-second Dynasty. Between t he reigns of Osorkon I and Takelot I, a Shoshenk II is often shown as a co -regent for a brief period of time.
He was the Great Priest of Amun. Sources: 1. Bury, J.B., Cook, S.A. and Adcock, F.E. "The Cambridge Ancient Histor y" Vol. III, pp.253-254. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 881, chart. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.152. The short-lived successor of Herihor (possibly Herihor's son-in-law), the re are records of Piankh fighting some rebels late in the reign of Ramesses XI, but it is thought that Piankh and Ramesses XI died at the same time . There is only one monument known of Piankh, a stela (from Abydos) which re cords him as 'the Royal Fanbearer, Scribe, General, Prince of Kush, Chi ef of the Southern Lands, High Priest of Amun, Chief of the Granaries a nd Chief of the Archers'.
Born ca. 1105 BCE, died 1026 BCE He was the Pharoah of Egypt (XXI Dynasty) from about 1049 to 1026 BCE a nd was also the Great Priest of Amun. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 424. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 881, chart. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.152 & 160. THIRD INTERMEDIATE PERIOD: The capital moves from Tanis to Libyan, to Nubia, to Thebes, to SAIS, a nd then back to Nubia and Thebes. For the first 15 years of Siamun's rule Pinudjem I ruled at Thebes as t he High Priest of Amun. Pinudjem I is known mostly through his work in the Valley of the Kings - t he reburial of the previous kings of Egypt. In Year 6 he reburied Tuthmos is II and Amenhotep I. In the Years 12, 13 and 15 he cared for the mummi es of Amenhotep III, Ramesses III and Ramesses II. Evidence of Pinudjem I outside Thebes As well as being High Priest, Pinudjem was still the Military command er of his King's armies, as such his name appears as far south as the isla nd of Sehel (near the 1st Cataract). The northern fortress of El Hibeh al so gives his name. It is, of course, in the temples of Thebes that his name occurs the mo st - one example shows Pinudjem and his three brothers giving honour to Am un so 'that he may grant a long lifespan within Thebes' to their grandmoth er Nodjmet. (However this request fell upon deaf ears as Pinudjem buried h is grandmother shortly after taking office). At Medinet Habu, Pinudjem added to the temple orginally built by Ramess es III. At Karanak he usurped the avenue of sphinxes originally dedicat ed by Ramesses II. Pinudjem I after Year 15 - as king Gradually Pinudjem I was assuming a more kingly role until, in Ye ar 15 of Smendes I reign, he began to be depicted as a king as well as t he adoption of a royal Horus name: 'Strong Bull, beloved of Amun', as we ll as the titles: 'King or Upper and Lower Egypt, pacifying the gods'. By Year 16 (Years were still dated to the reign of Smendes I reign), Pinud jem had appointed a new High Priest to Amun - Masaharta ('High Priest of A mun, son of King Pinudjem I'). Following this Pinudjem I then effective ly became a full pharaoh for the final years of the reign of Smendes I, t he short reign of Amenemnisu and also for the opening years of Psusennes I . Masaharta did not last to succeed his father, he died possibly after an il lness. His mummy shows that his was a very large man, he did build a s et of sphinxes at the Great Temple of Karnak. He seems he died around Ye ar 24, he spent under 10 years in his role as priest and army commander. The successor to Masaharta, Djedkhonsuefankh (another son of Pinudjem I ), coincided with an outbreak of violence in Thebes. However, his ti me in office was very short, It is possible that Djedkhonsuefankh was kill ed by the unrest in Thebes at this time. In Year 25, another son of Pinudjem I was sent for - Menkheperre. He was s ummoned to Thebes to put a stop to the violence that had killed his brothe r, this he did and exiled the ringleaders. Pinudjum's tomb has never been truly identified - although faint trac es of his cartouche have been found at the entrance to the tomb of Ramess es XI in the Valley of the Kings (it has not been conclusively proven th at Pinudjum was actually buried there). His mummy was found in the of coff in of Tuthmosis I in the Deir el Bahri mummy cache, as well as his wife He nuttawy and daughter Maatkare-Mutemhat . Another daughter of Pinudjum w as found in one of the priestly caches near the temple of Hatshepsut at De ir el-Bahri (Bab el-Gasus).
Born/Died ca. 684-610 BCE 26th Dynasty Psammetikhos I was the first ruler of the 26th Dynasty, though his reign o verlaps that of the 25th Dynasty. We believe he ruled from about 664 throu gh 610 BC. This is often referred to as the Saite period in Egyptian histo ry, named for the power center of the Delta. It was not until Psammetikh os' ninth regnal year that he completely control Egypt. His birth name w as Psamtik I, but he was known as Psammetichus I by the Greeks. His thro wn name was Wah-ib-re, meaning "Constant is the Heart of Re" (Horus Nam e: Aib, Nebty Name: Neba, Bik-nub Name: Qenu). Some Egyptologists place the 26th Dynasty in to Third Intermediate Peri od of Egypt's history, while others place it in the Late Period. Certainl y, when Psammetikhos began his rule of Egypt, things were still chaotic, w ith various rulers claiming power. But Psammetikhos would consolidate h is rule over Egypt, and reign for about a half a century, returning Egy pt to stability. Both Psammetikhos I and his father, Necho I of Sais were originally involv ed with an intrigue associated with the Kushite ruler, Taharqo against Ass yria, but were then captured, held and indoctrinated by the Assyrians. Psa mmetikhos I was even given the Assyrian name, Nabu-shezibanni, before fina lly being returned to Egypt where his father assumed power in the Delta. Upon the death of Necho in 664, Psammetikhos was recognized by his Assyri an overlords as King of Egypt, but this was a title at first without subst ance. He had rule over Memphis and Sais, but mostly the country was contr olled by the old advisories of the Nubian Kings, who had been driven ba ck to their own land. His was tasked with the responsibilities of controll ing not only the unruly princes and petty kings of the Delta, but al so to reconcile with the power center at Thebes. Working with Thebes turned out to be easier then one might imagine, becau se he was able to align himself with the daughter of a great Theaban noble man named Mentuemhet. At that time, she held the title, "Adoratice of Amu n" (God's Wife of Amun). He was able to insert his own daughter, Nitokri s, as her successor He was therefor able to effect both secular and relig ious ties that were to hold his growing presence in Egypt together, whi le he went after his Delta opponents. In order to do this, he raised a co nscript army, as well as employing the services of mercenaries, many of wh om were Greek, including Carians. This involvement with foreign mercenari es apparently caused some concern about their control within Egypt, and ar chaeological evidence suggests that sites such as Naukratis, among other s, were established to facilitate this, along with offering Egypt an incre ased commercial presence within the Mediterranean world. Psammetikhos also took as his principle wife Mehtemweskhet who was the dau ghter of Harsiese S, High Priest at Heliopolis, further cementing his rule . To all appearances, Psammetikhos I had been a loyal subject of his Assyri an overlords, but as that empire's glories waned, Psammetikhos took his op portunity to break their hold, and in so doing became the absolute rul er of Egypt. During the remaining four decades of Psammetikhos I's rule, he continu ed to consolidate his power and bring the country under complete unity, so mething Egypt had really not seen in a number of years. He undertook a nu mber of building projects, including fortresses in the Delta at Naukrat is and Daphnae, as well as at Elephantine. He also greatly expanded the S erapeum at Saqqara. After consolidating Egypt, militarily, Psammetikhos I was mostly concern ed with keeping Egypt's sovereignty strong. There were expeditions into no rthern Nubia probably to discourage any further ambitions of the Kushite k ings. In the north east, Babylon had become such an important power that t he king actually formed an alliance with his old masters in Assyria in ord er to combat Babylon's growing menace. This enabled Egypt to obtain contr ol of the Palestinian coast. There were also actions required on the Liby an frontier in order to combat the threat posed by the fugitive Delta prin ces. Psammetikhos I, as well as other kings of this dynasty, followed the archa istic tendencies of the previous dynasty in art, as well as in many custom s, such as the formulation of their names. The renaissance in art is su ch that it is sometimes difficult to tell whether an artifact came from th is period of time, or from the Old or Middle Kingdoms. Psammetikhos I was succeeded by his son, Necho (Nekau) II, who continu ed to build on his father's accomplishments in Egypt. References: Atlas of Ancient Egypt Baines, John; Malek, Jaromir 1980 Les Livres De Fra nce None Stated Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Who Were the Phraohs? (A history of their names with a list of cartouche s) Quirke, Stephen 1990 Dover Publications ISBN 0-486-26586-2 Wikipedia Wahibre Psammetichus I (Psamtik or Psamtek), was the first of three kings of the Saite, or Twenty-sixth dynasty of Egypt. His prenomen, Wahibre, means "Constant is the Heart of Re. The story in Herodotus of the Dodecarchy and the rise of Psamtik is fanciful. It is known from cuneiform texts that twenty local princelings were appointed by Esarhaddon and confirmed by Assurbanipal to govern Egypt. Necho I, the father of Psammetichus by his Queen Istemabet, was the chief of these kinglets, but they seem to have been quite unable to hold the Egyptians to the hated Assyrians against the more sympathetic Nubians. The labyrinth built by Amenemhat III of the Twelfth dynasty of Egypt is ascribed by Herodotus to the Dodecarchy, or rule of 12, which must represent this combination of rulers. Psamtik was the son of Necho I who died in 664 BC. After his father's death, Psamtik managed to both unite all of Egypt and free her from Assyrian control. Psamtik I reunified Egypt in his 9th Year when he dispatched a powerful naval fleet in March 656 BC to Thebes and compelled the existing God's Wife of Amun at Thebes to adopt his daughter Nitocris I as her Heiress in the so-called Adoption Stela. Psamtik's success destroyed the last vestiges of the Nubian Dynasty's control over Upper Egypt under Tantamani since Thebes now accepted his authority. Nitocris would serve in office for 70 years from 656 BC until her death in 586 BC. Thereafter, Psamtik I campaigned vigorously against those local princes who opposed his reunfication of Egypt. One of his victories over certain Libyans marauders is mentioned in a Year 10 and Year 11 stela from the Dakhla Oasis. Psamtik I proved to be a great Pharaoh of Egypt who won Egypt's independence from the Assyrian Empire and restored Egypt's prosperity through his long 54 Year reign. Psamtik proceeded to establish intimate relations with the Greeks. He also encouraged many Greek settlers to establish colonies in Egypt and serve in the services of his army. The Greek historian Herodotus conveyed an anecdote about Psammetichus in the second volume of his Histories. During his travel to Egypt, Herodotus heard that Psammetichus ("Psamtik") sought to discover the origin of language by conducting an experiment with two children. Allegedly he gave two newborn babies to a shepherd, with the instructions that no one should speak to them, but that the shepherd should feed and care for them while listening to determine their first words. The hypothesis was that the first word would be uttered in the root language of all people. When one of the children cried "bekos" with outstretched arms the shepherd concluded that the word was Phrygian because that was the sound of Phrygian word for "bread." Thus, they concluded that the Phrygians were an older people than the Egyptians, and that Phrygian was the original language of men. There are no other extant sources to verify this story. His chief wife was Mehtenweskhet, the daughter of Harsiese, the Vizier of the North and High Priests of Atum at Heliopolis. Psamtik and Mehtenweshket were the parents of Necho II, Merneith, Satnisat Djestkhebed and the Divine Adoratice Nitocris I. Psamtik's father-in-law--the aforementioned Harsiese--was married three times: to Sheta, by whom he had a daughter named Naneferheres, to Tanini and, finally, to an unknown lady, by whom he had both Djedkare, the Vizier of the South and Mehtenweskhet. Harsiese was the son of Vizier Harkhebi, and was related to two other Harsieses, both Viziers, who were a part of the family of the famous Mayor of Thebes Montuemhat.
Psammetichus II (also spelled Psammeticus or Psamtik) was a king of the Twenty-sixth dynasty of Egypt (595 BC-589 BC). His prenomen, Neferibre, means "Beautiful is the Heart of Re." (Clayton: p.195) He was the son of Necho II. Psammetichus marched into the Kingdom of Judah, Philistia, and Phoenicia in about 592 BC in response to moves made by Babylon, and attempted to generate anti-Babylonian sentiment among their leaders. His son Apries by Queen Takhuit or Takhut, a Princess of Athribis, succeeded him. They were also the parents of Menekhubaste, a Priestess of Atum at Heliopolis, and Ankhenesneferibre, a God's Wife of Amun who died after 525 BC. Wikipedia®
Akheperre-setepanamun Psibkhaemne Ruled from 1040-992 B.C.E.21st Dynasty Psusennes I was the third king of the Twenty-first Dynasty and is probab ly the best known of all this dynasty's kings. This is because of the disc overy of his intact tomb during the excavation of Tanis. His mummy was fou nd in the tomb and was that of an old man. Also is the tomb was a second b urial chamber was for his sister and wife, Queen Mutnodjme. At some time l ater, her mummy and funerary objects were removed. King Amunemope's mum my and funerary objects were placed there after he was moved from anoth er tomb that was not too far away. There were also several other mummies f ound in this tomb as well. These mummies were thought to have been plac ed here to be protected from the destruction of the other tombs around.
As one of the few queens who ruled Egypt as Pharaoh (between 1187 and 11 85 BC), it is regrettable that we have so little information on Tausert, t raditionally the last ruler of Egypt's 19th Dynasty. Her name appears ev en in modern works in many different forms, including Twosre, Twore, Tawos ret and Twosret. Her birth name appears to have been Two-sret (setep-en-m ut) which means "Might Lady, Chosen of Mut". Her Throne name was Sit-re M ery-amun which means "Daughter of Re, Beloved of Amun". Tausert becomes known to us as the wife of Seti II, and apparently a ve ry beloved wife at that, even though she was not his first. That was an h onor given to a lady named Takhat II, though she apparently did not supp ly him with an heir. Tausert gave birth to his first born sun, Sethos Mer neptah, but unfortunately he died young. It was Seti II who initially ord ered her tomb to be built in the Valley of the Kings, an honor given to f ew queens. Upon Seti II's death, a son by what appears to be a Syrian wife, his thir d, named Tiaa, ascended to the throne of Egypt. His name was Ramesses-Sip tah (Siptah Merenptah), but he was very young, probably in his early teen s. He also suffered from a deformed left leg. It was Tausert who assumed the role of regent as the "Great Royal Wife", t hough it appears that for the remainder of her life, another powerful non- royal personage would perhaps be the power behind the throne. In effec t, Siptah was under the double supervision of his stepmother and a certa in chancellor Bay. Bay was originally the royal scribe of Seti II, a nd is thought to have also been of Syrian decent. If tradition is to be be lieved, Bay seduced the pharaoh's widow, who then gave him total contr ol of Egypt's treasury. Siptah held the throne of Egypt for approximately six years before his dea th, when Tausert formally ascended the throne of Egypt herself. In fac t, in the fifth year of Siptah's rule, Tausert elevated herself considerab ly, taking full royal titles as Hatshepsut had done several hundred yea rs in the past. However, it is believed that Bay continued to largely ru le in the background. Her reign was short, lasting perhaps two years. While little is known of this time, we do believe that campaigns were wag ed in the Sinai and Palestine, and there is evidence of her building wo rk at Heliopolis, where a statue of the queen was found as well as at Theb es. At Thebes, she constructed a mortuary temple discovered by William Pe trie to the south of the Ramesseum, and of course, continued work on her t omb in the Valley of the Kings. Her name also appears at Abydos, Hermopol is and Memphis. She was probably originally buried in her tomb in the Valley of the King s, but this tomb was later taken by Ramesses III for his father, Setnakh t. Her mummy has not been positively identified, though it has been sugge sted that the remains of an "Unknown Woman D" form KV 35 is that of Tauser t. References: Title Author Date Publisher Reference Number Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Who Were the Phraohs? (A history of their names with a list of cartouche s) Quirke, Stephen 1990 Dover Publications ISBN 0-486-26586-2
Born/Died ca. 1345-1296 BCE His actual name was "Men.kheper.re'Ra.messe". Horemheb, the last Pharo ah of the XVII Dynasty, not having an heir of his body, apparently select ed Rameses to succeed him (2). Neither of the last two pharoahs of the XV III Dynasty, Ay and Horemheb, were of direct royal blood and both confirm ed their positions by marrying royal heiresses (3). As the successi on to Rameses I was fairly smooth, it seems likely that a similar allian ce was made or all ready existed for him. Stuart (1) notes the suggesti on that he was married to an heiress of the royal family descended from Am enhotep III. He was the first Pharoah of the XIX Dynasty from about 12 98 to 1296 BCE. The first king of the 19th Dynasty was the son of a milita ry commander named Seti. Ramesses entered the military service and work ed his way up to commander of troops, superintendent of the cavalry and ev entually general. A short time later he became vizier to King Horemhe b. He was also Primate of Egypt, which was the high priest of Amon, and w as in charge of all the temples in Egypt. Horemheb died with no heir so Ra messes assumed the throne. His queen, Sitre, was the mother of Seti I, w ho was already a veteran military commander. Ramesses was originally buri ed in the Valley of the Kings. His tomb was later vandalized so the pries ts removed the body to Deir el Bahri. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pps. 80- 81 & 217-218. Ramses Egyptian kings of the XIX and XX dynasties. Ramses I, d. c.1314 B.C., succ eeded Horemheb, the founder of the XIX dynasty, ruled one year, and was su cceeded by his son Seti I. Seti's son, Ramses II, d. 1225 B.C. (r.1292-12 25 B.C.), usurped the throne from his brother. Under him EGYPT acquired un precedented splendor, the empire extending from S Syria to the fourth cata ract of the Nile. War with the HITTITES continued until he concluded a tre aty (1280) and married (1267) a Hittite princess. He left monuments throug hout Egypt, notably at KARNAK, LUXOR, and THEBES, and the great rock temp le at ABU SIMBEL. The period was characterized by great luxury, increas ed slavery, and the growth of a mercenary army, all contributors to Egypt 's eventual decline. Ramses II was probably the pharaoh of exile in the O LD TESTAMENT. Ramses III, d. 1167 B.C. (r. c.1198-1167), second king of t he XX dynasty, fought off invasions by the Libyans and by Mediterranean s ea peoples. He was the last Egyptian king to hold part of PALESTINE. Und er him the accumulation of slaves and riches weakened the social structur e. His wife, TIY, plotted against him. The XX dynasty was to be ruled by e ight other kings named Ramses until it ended in 1090 B.C. Sources: Encyclopedia.com & http://www.touregypt.net/hdyn19a.htm Additional information, Nineteenth Dynasty After the recovery from the religious revolution, Egypt was a changed worl d. It is not easy to define the exact nature of the changes, since there a re many exceptions. Yet, it is impossible not to notice the marked deterio ration of the art, the literature, and indeed the general culture of the p eople. The language which they wrote approximates more closely to the vern acular and incorporates many foreign words. The copies of ancient texts a re incredibly careless, as if the scribes utterly failed to understand the ir meaning. At Thebes the tombs no longer display the bright and happy sce nes of everyday life which characterized Dyn. XVIII, but concentrate rath er upon the perils to be faced in the hereafter. The judgment of the hea rt before Osiris is a favorite theme, and the Book of Gates illustrates t he obstacles to be encountered during the nightly journey through the Neth erworld. The less frequent remains from Memphis show reliefs of only sligh tly greater elegance. The temples elsewhere depict upon their walls many v ivid representations of warfare, but the workmanship is relatively coar se and the explanatory legends are often more adulatory that informativ e. In spite of all, Egypt still presents an aspect of wonderful grandeu r, which the greater abundance of this period's monuments makes better kno wn to the present-day tourist than the far finer products of earlier times . Two statues found at Karnak in 1913, taken in conjunction with the famo us stela of the year 400 discovered at Tanis fifty years earlier, prove t he founder of the NINETEENTH DYNASTY to have been a man from the north-eas tern corner of the Delta whom Haremhab raised to the end exalted rank of v izier. Pra'messe, as he was called until he dropped the definite artic le at the beginning of his name to become the king known to us as Ramess es I, was of relatively humble origin, his father Set I having been a simp le 'captain of troops'. We can well imagine Haremhab as having wished to c hoose his main colleague from within his own military caste. The statue s, practically duplicates of one another, portray Pra'messe as a royal scr ibe squatting upon his haunches in the approved manner of his kind. The ha lf-opened papyrus on his lap enumerates the various high offices to whi ch his lord had raised him. Besides the vizierate these include the positi ons of superintendent of horses, fortress-commander, superintendent of t he river-mouths, commander of the army of the Lord of the Two Lands, n ot to mention several priestly titles. Most significant of all is his cla im to have been 'deputy of the King in Upper and Lower Egypt', as Haremh ab had been before him. Pra'messe was an old man when he ascended the thro ne. He was not destined to enjoy the royal power for long. Manetho, as quo ted by Josephus, allows him only one year and four months of reign, a sp an not necessarily contradicted by the dating in year 2 on the sole dat ed monument which we possess, a stela from Wady Halfa now in the Louvre. E ven this appears to have been erected by his son and successor Seti (Seth os I), who set up in the same place a stela almost identical in tenor a nd dated in year 1 of his own reign. These two documents record the establ ishment at Buhen (Wady Halfa) of a temple and new offerings to Min-Amun, f or whose cult prophets, lector-priests, and ordinary priests were appointe d, together with male and female slaves form 'the captures made by His Maj esty'. These last words need not be taken too seriously in view of the sho rtness of the reign, and indeed peace may at this time have been firmly es tablished in Nubia, where Pesiur, the King's Son of Cush of Haremhab's rei gn, was possibly still in office. Ramesses I's monuments in other parts a re very scanty. A few reliefs bearing his name on and near the Second Pyl on at Karnak suggest that he either initiated or acquiesced in the stupend ous change there from Haremhab's open court with a central double li ne of giant columns like that at Luxor to the great Hypostyle Hall whi ch is among the chief surviving wonders of Pharaonic Egypt. His own to mb in the Valley of the Tombs of the Kings was planned to rival in size th at of his predecessor, and only stopped short, doubtless owing to his deat h, at the chamber below the second flight of stairs, where his sarcophag us may still be seen. His coffin and mummy suffered a fate not unlike th at which befell the mummies of other kings. From his own tomb they were tr ansported first to that of Sethos I, and from there to the great cac he at Der el-Bahri. The great ruler who occupied the throne for the next fifteen or more yea rs was colored with true affection and loyalty towards his father. But obe dient devotion has its limits, and in the important funerary sanctuary whi ch Sethos I built for himself at Kurna, the northern-most of the line of t emples fringing the western desert at Thebes, he could spare only a few ro oms to Ramesses I. At Abydos, however, he appended to his own great temp le a small chapel with beautifully painted reliefs and a fine stela in whi ch he extolled the virtues of his progenitor. Yet for all the recogniti on which Sethos was prepared to pay his father , he was not averse to rega rding himself as the inaugurator of a new period. This he showed by mea ns of the phrase 'Repetition of Births' appended to dating of his first a nd second regnal years, and by inserting the corresponding epithet in h is Two-Ladies name and sometimes in his Horus-name, as had been done by Am menemes I at the beginning of Dyn. XII. But there may have been an additio nal reason for this. If the calculations of the astronomical chronologi es are sound, a new Sothic period began about 1317 BC, a very short time b efore Sethos I came to the throne. Now the Alexandrian mathematician Theo n, referring to the Sothic period, speaks of it as the era 'from Menophres ', and this royal name has been interrupted by Struve, followed by Seth e, to be a slightly corrupted form of the epithet Mry-n-Pth 'Beloved of Pt ah' which normally stands at the beginning of Sethos's second cartouche. T his clever conjecture may or may not be right. As a stranger from the extreme north and with no royal lineage behind hi m, Sethos ran a serious risk of being viewed as an upstart. The gods of t he land had by no means completely recovered from the injuries inflicted u pon them by the partisans of Akhenaten. Here Sethos found an opportuni ty of winning popularity; doubtless it was with this in view that he set a bout restoring the mutilated inscriptions of his predecessors. But his cle verest move consisted in founding a temple whose magnificence should vie w ith that of the very greatest fans of the capital cities. Abydos, the repu ted home of Osiris, had always been a favorite site for the building activ ities of the Pharaohs, but to none of Sethos's predecessors had it occurr ed to honor the place on such a scale as he devised. His temple, togeth er with the mysterious memorial at the back of it, remains to this day a p lace of pilgrimage which no enterprising sightseer would willingly miss. T he reliefs of the walls, in many cases still retaining the brilliance of t heir original colors, display a delicacy and a perfection of craftsmansh ip surprising on the threshold of a period of undisputed decadence. The in herited name of SetI 'the Sethian' attests a devotion to the very god w ho had been the murderer of the venerated numen loci. All the more necessa ry was it for him to placate Osiris, or rather his powerful priesthood. De spite Sethos I's lavish expenditure on his great monument the architects w hom he employed did not care to give Seth a place among its divine occupan ts, and even in their writing of the monarch's name the figure of Osiris w as prudently used in place of the grotesque animalic image of his mortal e nemy. By way of compensation, however, Osiris was not permitted to be excl usively worshipped here at Seth's expense. The temple was conceiv ed of as a national shrine. Beside Osiris, chapels were set apart for h is wife Isis and for his son Horus, these three constituting the age-old t riad of Abydos. But neighboring their chapels are others of equal size a nd importance dedicated to the three chief gods of the capital citie s, to Amun of Thebes, to Ptah of Memphis, and to Re'-Harakhti of Heliopoli s. Nor was Sethos I the man to dissociate himself from this noble compan y. It was to his own cult that he caused to be consecrated the seventh a nd southernmost chapel. To modern minds this action might well seem intole rably presumptuous, but not so to an Egyptian Pharaoh. Was he not from ti me immemorial a great god, if not the greatest of all? How should he not p ossess a memorial in the holiest place of the Two Lands? And lastly, we mu st never forget that early religion universally took for granted the princ iple do ut des. All the gods would have languished, and rightly, had not t he Pharaoh's self-interest demanded the steadfast maintenance of their cul ts. The foundation or even the re-dedication of a temple was by no means compl ete when the actual building was ended. Priests of different grades h ad to be appointed, menial servants found, to discharge the ordinary duti es of maintenance and commissariat and large tracts of land set apart to s upply the revenues required for the upkeep. In return for this, a royal ch arter was usually issued to define the rights of the sacred establishme nt and its employees. Passing reference has been made to the decrees fr om the end of the Old Kingdom which protected the temple of Min at Copt os form outside interference. Good fortune has preserved for us the chart er or part of the charter granted by Sethos to his great new sanctua ry at Abydos. This, strange to say, is inscribed on a high rock at Nau ri a short distance to the north of the Third Cataract. It must suffice here to mention a few of the ways in which the privileg es of the temple staff might be infringed. These men might be seized perso nally, moved from district to district, commandeered for ploughing or reap ing, prevented from fishing or fowling, have their cattle stolen, and so f orth. Also any official who did not exact justice from the offenders was h imself to be severely punished. Paragraph after paragraph deals with su ch matters, but it has to be confessed that the entire decree is very care lessly drafted, and leaves the impression rather of artificial legalist ic from that of precise legal enactment. Among the dependents of the Abydos temple mentioned in the Nauri text a re the gold-washers who were employed at the mines in the neighborho od of the Red Sea. Their task was to effect the extraction of the precio us metal by washing away the lighter substances in the pulverized stone. T he hard lot of the actual miners is described in a passage quoted by Diodo rus Siculus from the geographer Agatharchides. It was important that the se poor wretches should reach the scene of their labors without perishi ng on the way. In a long inscription of year 9 engraved on the wall of a s mall temple in the Wady Abbad some 35 miles east of Edfu, Sethos describ es the measures he has taken to remedy their situation. A brief extract wi ll illustrate the style an substance of the narration: He stopped on the way to take counsel with his heart, and said: How misera ble is a road without water! how shall travelers fare? Surely their throa ts will be parched. What will slake their thirst? The homeland is far awa y, the desert wide. Woe to him, a man thirsty in the wilderness! Come no w, I will take thought for their welfare and make for them the means of pr eserving them alive, so that they may bless my name in years to come, a nd that future generations may boast of me for my energy, inasmu ch as I am one compassionate and regardful of travelers. Sethos then recounts the digging of a well and the founding of a settleme nt in this locality. Another inscription in the speos warns later rulers a nd their subjects not to steal the gold which was to be delivered to the A bydos temple, and ends with a curse: As to whosoever shall ignore this decree, Osiris will pursue him, and Is is his wife, and Horus his children; and the Great ones, the lords of t he Sacred Land, will make their reckoning with him. Among her northerly neighbors Egypt's prestige had fallen to a very low le vel, a situation which Sethos at once set to work to repair. The warlike s cenes depicted upon the exterior north wall of the great Hypostyle Ha ll of Karnak combine with conventional illustrations of the king's person al prowess much information of a genuine historical character. These relie fs are no great works of art, despite the prancing steeds of Pharaoh's cha riot and the agonized contortions of his victims. But surely unique mu st be the picture of Sethos on foot, with two Syrian prisoners tucked und er each arm. There are two series of scenes, both converging towards a cen tral doorway near which Amun stands to welcome the returning conqueror a nd to witness the doubtless merely symbolic battering to death of the vanq uished chieftains. The lesser captives who follow in long lines were desti ned to become slaves in the workshops of the temple of Karnak. On the east ern side the lowest register shows the military road along which Sethos 's army had to pass before he could reach his main objectives in northe rn Syria. The starting-point, as with Tuthmosis III and others, was the fo rtress of Tjel, the Latin Sile or Selle, close to the modern El-Kanta ra so well known to our own soldiers in the two world wars. From there t he way led across the waterless desert of the Sinai peninsula beyond a sma ll canal now replaced by that of Suez. The reliefs display in correct ord er the many small fortified stations built to protect the indispensable we lls, and these together with a town with lost name which is evidently Raph ia, 110 miles form Tjel, constitute the earliest equivalent of a map th at the ancient world has to show. Twenty miles further on, described as 't own of Canaan', is the Philistine Gaza a short distance within the Palesti ne border. Before arriving there Sethos had been compelled to inflict a gr eat slaughter on the rebellious nomads of the Shosu who barred the wa y. It is difficult to say how far the campaign of year 1 extended since t he top register on the east half of the wall is lost. But it certainly rea ched as far as the Lebanon, where the native princes are seen felling t he cedars or pines needed for the sacred bark and flagstaffs of the Theb an Amun. What the accompanying hieroglyphic legend describes as 'ascent wh ich Pharaoh made to destroy the land of Kadesh and the land of the Amor' p robably belongs to a later year. The Kadesh here mentioned is naturally t he all-important city on the Orontes, while the land of Amor is the adjace nt north Syrian region extending to the Mediterranean coast. Of the two re maining registers in the western half-wall that in the middle records a ba ttle against the Libyans, of whom but little has been heard since the begi nning of Dyn. XII. The lowest register shows Sethos at grips with the Hitt ites, the strength of whose empire had been steadily growing in the han ds of Suppiluliumas's son Mursilis II. Naturally the reliefs display Seth os as the victor. Stele from Kadesh itself and from Tell esh-Shihab in t he Hauran bear Sethos's name, but are of far less importance than the t wo inscriptions of his reign found at Beisan, the Beth-shean of the Old Te stament, some 15 miles south of the Sea of Galilee and only 4 to the we st of the Jordan. Here since the time of Tuthmosis III a fortress of consi derable size had housed the Egyptian garrison, and within its chapel had s tood the stele which told of Sethos's exploits in the neighborhood. O ne of them which is nearly illegible, but has been skillfully decipher ed by Grdseloff, deals with the 'Apiru-people discussed above. The othe r, which is well preserved, narrates as follows: Year 1, third month of Summer, day 2...on this day they came to tell His M ajesty that the vile enemy who was in the town of Hamath had gathered un to himself many people and had captured the town of Bethshael, and had joi ned with the inhabitants of Pehel and did not allow the prince of Reh ob to go forth. Thereupon, His Majesty sent the first army of Amun 'Powerf ul of Bows' to the town of Hamath, the first army of Pre' 'Manifold of Bra very' to the town of Bethshael, and the first army of Sutekh 'Victorio us of Bows' to the town of Yeno'am. Then there happened the space of one d ay and they were fallen through the might of His Majesty, the King of Upp er and Lower Egypt, Menma're', the Son of Re', SetI-merenptah, given life. All the places here named have been identified with some probability, no ne of them at any great distance from Beisan; the capture of Yeno'am had b een depicted in the Karnak reliefs. No more in the way of commentary is ne eded than to draw attention to the three army corps named after the go ds of Thebes, Heliopolis, and the later Pi-Ra'messe respectively. The se we shall find reappearing in the Kadesh campaign of Ramesses II, and th ey seem to imply the presence of really strong forces in the Palestinian a rea. Perhaps in the quarter of a century from the beginning of Dyn. XIX, E gypt possessed as much of an Asiatic empire as at any other period in h er history. Nevertheless, the main administration probably lay in the han ds of the local princes, and apart from the commanders of garrison the Egy ptian officials claimed no more authoritative title than that of 'king's e nvoy to every foreign country'. In Nubia, on the other hand, real governo rs were the King's Son of Cush and his two lieutenants, though here too Se thos had to take military action against a remote tribe in the fourth a nd eighth years of his reign. Apart from the temples of Kurna and Abydos already mentioned and the wo rk on the great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak Sethos I's buildings are relative ly unimportant. On the other hand, the sepulcher which he caused to be exc avated for himself in the Biban el-Moluk is the most imposing of the enti re necropolis. It is over 300 feet long and decorated from the very entran ce with admirably executed and brilliantly colored reliefs equaling in qua lity those found in the great monument at Abydos. The fine alabaster sarco phagus is now the treasured possession of the Soane Museum in London. It h ad early been robbed of its occupant, whose mummy ultimately found its w ay to the cache at Der el-Bahri. Sethos was a man of only moderate heigh t, but the well-preserved head, with heavy jaw and a wide and strong chi n, is cast in a markedly different mound from that of the Dyn. XVIII kings . If the greatness of an Egyptian Pharaoh be measured by the size and numb er of the monuments remaining to perpetuate his memory, Sethos's son and s uccessor Ramesses II would have to be pronounced equal, or even the superi or, of the proudest pyramid-builders. The great Hypostyle Hall at Karn ak is his main achievement, and on the west bank at Thebes his funerary te mple known as the Ramesseum still retains a large part of its original gra ndeur. At Abydos his temple stands, as a not unworthy second, side by si de with that of his father, which he finished. The edifices at Memphis ha ve been largely demolished later by thieves greedy for suitable building s tone, but portions of great statues of Ramesses II attest the former prese nce of a vast temple of his. Moreover, this is referred to in a well-kno wn stela preserved in the Nubian temple of Abu Simbel, where Ramesses ackn owledges the blessings conferred upon him by the Memphite god Ptah. The re mains at Tanis will be spoke of later. It is in Nubia, however, that his c raze for self-advertisement is most conspicuous. Omitting the names of fo ur important sanctuaries which under any other king could not be passed ov er in silence, we cannot refrain from voicing our wonder at the amazing te mple at Abu Simbel with its four colossal seated statues of Ramesses front ing the river. Yet in spite of all this monumental ardor, Ramesses II's st ature has undeniably suffered reduction as the result of the last half-cen tury's philological research. Previously the nickname Sese, given him in s ome later literary texts, had persuaded Maspero that he was none other th an the conqueror Sesostris so widely celebrated in the classical author s. We now know that this half-mythical personage had arisen from the combi nation of two separate kings of Dyn. XII. The less enviable claim to ha ve been the Pharaoh of the Oppression survives in the works of the able st conservative scholars only in a greatly modified form, while a by no me ans negligible minority of historians are profoundly skeptical of the enti re Exodus story. Lastly Ramesses II's glamour as a triumphant conqueror h as been much dimmed by evidence from the Boghazkoy records. None the le ss the events of his sixty-seven years of reign are better known and prese nt more of interest than those of any other equal span of Egyptian history . For the beginning of the reign, the main source is an inscription of gre at length known to Egyptologists by the name Inscription dedicatoire giv en to it by G. Maspero, its first translator. This occupies an entire wa ll in the temple of Sethos I at Abydos and is the main boastful accou nt of Ramesses's virtue in completing his father's splendid sanctuary. T he space devoted to factual narrative is small, but an important passage d escribes Ramesses's promotion in early youth to the position of crown prin ce and subsequently his association with Sethos upon the throne: The Universal Lord himself magnified me whilst I was a child until I beca me ruler. He gave me the land whilst I was in the egg, the great ones smel ling the earth before my face. Then I was inducted as eldest son to be Her editary Prince upon the throne of Geb (the earth-god) and I reported the s tate of the Two Lands as captain of the infantry and the chariotry. Then w hen my father appeared in glory before the people, I being a babe in his l ap, he said concerning me: 'Crown him as king that I may see his beauty wh ilst I am alive.' And he called to the chamberlains to fasten the crowns u pon my forehead. 'Give him the Great One (the uraeus-serpent) upon his hea d' said he concerning me whilst he was on earth. The accuracy of this statement has been challenged, but wrongly, since sce nes at Karnak and at Kurna confirm Ramesses's co-regency with his fathe r. Probably, however, he was less young when the co-regency began than th is passage suggests, because there is evidence that he accompanied Seth os on his military campaigns while he was still only the heir-apparent, a nd further because the passage just translated goes on to say that Seth os equipped him with a female household and a king's harem 'like to the be autiful ones of the palace'. He must have been at least fifteen years o ld at the time, and in guessing at the length of the co-regency, we must r emember the Ramesses had still a reign of little less than seventy years a head of him, for he undoubtedly counted his first year from his accessi on after Sethos's death. The Abydos inscription also gives us some informa tion concerning his first actions after the accession. Like Haremhab, he h ad come to Thebes to take part in Amun's great feast of Ope, when the g od was carried in state in his ceremonial boat from Karnak to Luxor. The f estivities over, he set forth by river to his new Delta capital, stoppi ng at Abydos on the way to do reverence to Osiris Onnophris and to give or ders for the continuation of the work on Sethos's temple. This visit ga ve him the opportunity to appoint as new high-priest of Onuris at Thini s, of Hathor at Dendera, and also at some places farther south. This prefe rment is proudly recounted by Nebunenef, the priest in question, in his to mb at Thebes. Proceeding on his way northwards Ramesses arrived at 'the st rong place Pi-Ra'messe, Great-of-Victories', thenceforth to be, with Memph is as an alternative, the main royal residence in the north throughout Dyn s. XIX and XX. It is agreed that this town, the Biblical Ramesses, was sit uated on the same site as the great Hyksos stronghold of Avaris and that i ts principal god was Sutekh, as the name of Seth was by this time mostly p ronounced. P. Montet and the present writer have strongly maintained th at this was none other than the great city which was later called Dja'n e, Greek Tanis, the Zoan of the Bible. No one who has visited the si te or read about its monuments in books can have failed to be impress ed by the multitude of the remains dating from the reign of Ramesses I I. On the other hand , some 11 miles to the south, at Khat'ana-Kantir, por tions of a fine palace of Ramesses II, adorned with splendid faience tile s, have staked out a rival claim to be the true Pi-Ra'messe 'the Hou se of Ra'messe', and among other scholars Labib Habachi has been particula rly active and successful in finding stele and other evidence from the sa me neighborhood which might swing the pendulum in that direction. Accordi ng to this theory, the monuments of Ramesses II at Tanis were transport ed there by the kings of Dyn. XXI, who are known to have chosen that ci ty as their capital. The debate continues, and cannot be regarded as final ly settled either the one way or the other.
Born/Died ca. 1217-1153 BCE, Buried: Medinet Habu, Valley of the Kings, Lu xor, Egypt. His ruling name was "Usermaetre-Meryamun"and he was the Pharo ah of Egypt (XX Dynasty) from about 1185 to 1153 BCE. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.241-247. 3. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 872, chart. 4. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.152. Over the some three thousand years of Egyptian history during the Pharaon ic Period only a handful of the several hundred who ruled Egypt (or pa rt of Egypt) can be considered truly great kings. Of these, Ramesses II I, who was the second ruler of Egypt's 20th Dynasty, was the last of gre at pharaohs on the throne. His reign was a time of considerable turmoil th roughout the Mediterranean that saw the Trojan War, the fall of Mycenae a nd a great surge of displaced people from all over the region that w as to reek havoc; even toppling some empires. Ramesses was this king's birth name, as it was for most of the 20th Dynas ty rulers who appear to have wished to emulate the great Ramesses II of t he 19th Dynasty. Ramesses means, "Re has fashioned him" A second (epithe t) part of his birth name was heqaiunu, which means "Ruler of Heliopoli s" There are any number of ways that Egyptologists spell his birth name, s uch as "Ramses". His throne name was Usermaatre Meryamun, which means "Pow erful is the Justice of Re, Beloved of Amun. The Family of Ramesses III Ramesses III's father was his immediate predecessor, a relatively unkno wn king named Setnakhte. However, though the originator of what Egyptologi sts refer to as the 20th Dynasty, he may actually have been a grands on of the famous Ramesses II. Ramesses III probably served a short co-reg ency with him, we believe, because of a rock-chapel near Deir el-Medina th at was dedicated to both his father and Ramesses III. Ramesses III's moth er was Queen Tiy-merenese. He had a number of wives, including Isis, Ti ti and Tiy, as well as a number of sons including the next three rule rs of Egypt, Ramesses IV, V and VI. We only know of one possible daught er named Titi. However, despite his apparently long reign lasting so me 31 years and 41 days according to the Great Harris Papyrus, little is k nown about the royal family. We know that the mother of his wife, Isis, named, Habadjilat, was probab ly a foreigner, most likely of Asiatic extraction. She was buried in to mb QV51 in the Valley of the Queens, though here name was omitted from t he cartouches in the Medinet Habu temple where the queen's name would norm ally have appeared. However, one of her sons would eventually rule Egy pt as Ramesses VI. Another possible queen of Ramesses III was Queen Titi, who was buried in Q V52 in the Valley of the Queens. Though this tomb is large, it lacks any p roper indication of her exact royal status. However, her titles suggest th at she was possibly a daughter, and later a wife of Ramesses III who proba bly outlived him. Her title as "Mistress of the Two Lands" appears so me 43 times within this tomb, and she is listed as "Chief Royal Wife" 33 t imes. Other titles include "King's Daughter, "King's Beloved Daughter of h is Body", "His Beloved Daughter" and "King's Sister". She is also call ed "King's Mother" eight times and her son might have been Ramesses IV. Ramesses III had as many if not more than ten sons, many of whom predeceas ed him. A number of them were buried in the Valley of the Queens. These in clude the tombs of Amenhirkhopshef (QV55), Khaemwaset (QV44), Parahirenem ef (QV42) and Sethirkhopshef (QV43). Each of these sons held high position s, as might be expected, prior to their deaths. Apparently devoted to Rame sses II, Ramesses III gave his sons names that followed those of the earli er king's sons. An especially noteworthy example was his son, Khaemwas et C, named for Ramesses II's famous child. Like the earlier Khaemwase t, he took the same office as sem-priest of Ptah at Memphis. However, Khae mwasret C. never achieved the glory of Ramesses II's son, who rose to t he position of High Priest. We also know that Amenhirkhopshef, named for R amesses II's oldest son, and Sethirkhopshef held the office of Master of H orse. A number of other tombs in the Valley of the Queens, which appear to da te from the reign of Ramesses III, appear to belong to unnamed princes a nd princesses, though we have virtually no information on these individual s. The Conspiracy Another of Ramesses III's queens was Tiy, but in a several noteworthy papy rus from his reign, particularly one known today as the Harem Conspiracy P apyrus, we learn of an assassination attempt upon the king in which she w as at least a part of the plot. Her name is provided in the text, but t he other conspirators are called by names that indicate the great ev il of their crime, such as Mesedsure, meaning "Re hates him". Tiy apparent ly wished for her son, called in this papyrus, Pentewere, to ascend to t he throne of Egypt. At some point during the latter part of Ramesses III's reign, there were e conomic problems that became most visible when the Deir el-Medina workm en failed to be paid, leading to a general strike, the first in recorded h istory, in the 29th year of the king's reign. Against this background w as hatched a plot against the king's life. This was no simple conspiracy, considering that at least 40 people were im plicated and tried as a group. Amongst their numbers were harem officia ls many of whom were close to the king. Not only had they intended to ki ll the king, but also to incite a revolt outside of the palace in ord er to facilitate their coup. The plot was seemingly hatched in Piramesses where one of the conspirato rs had a house. The plan called for the murder of the king during the annu al Opet Festival at Thebes. Preparations for this included magical spel ls and wax figurines which were smuggled into the harem. This conspiracy is thought to have failed, and the guilty were charged a nd brought before a court consisting of a panel of fourteen officials incl uding seven royal butlers (a respectably high office), two treasury overse ers, two army standard bearers, two scribes and a herald. Ramesses III him self most likely commissioned the prosecution, but according to the langua ge of the papyrus, probably died during the trial, though not necessari ly from the effects of the plot. Curiously, this court was given authori ty to deliver and carry out whatever penalty they deemed fair, including t he death penalty, which normally only the king could inflict. It shou ld be noted, however, that scholars are in disagreement over the even ts of this conspiracy. Some maintain that Ramesses III was in fact kill ed by the conspirators, and that his son, Ramesses IV, set up the tribuna l, but others maintain that the mummy of the king shows no acts of violenc e. All of those involved in the plot were apparently condemned to death, as w as certainly the fate of Queen Tiy herself. Though the record of the actu al trial is lost, there were apparently three different prosecutions. T he first consisted of twenty eight people, who included the major ringlead ers, who were found guilty and (almost certainly) put to death. In the ne xt prosecution six people were condemned and forced to commit suicide with in the court itself. In the final trial, four additional individuals, incl uding the son of Queen Tiy, were likewise condemned to suicide, though th ey were presumably allowed to carry out the act in their prison. Interestingly, there was also a fourth trial, but this one did not invol ve the actual conspirators, but instead three of the judges and two office rs. It would seem that the curious affair resulted from accusations tha t, after their appointment to the conspiracy commission, they knowingly en tertained several of the women involved in the plot, as well as consort ed with a general referred to as Peyes. Though one of the judges was fou nd innocent, the remainder of the group was condemned to have their ears a nd noses amputated. One of the judges called Pebes committed suicide befo re the sentence could be carried out. The Military Affairs Ramesses III's reign began quietly enough as he attempted to consolidate h is empire begun by his father after problems arose in the late 19th Dynast y. Nubia seems at this time to have been nothing more than a subdued colo ny to the south. However, in his fifth year as ruler, Egypt was attack ed by Libyans for apparently the first time since Merenptah had to deal wi th them in the 19th Dynasty. The Libyan invasion forces included two oth er groups of people known as the Mshwesh and the Seped. Ramesses III easi ly dealt with this threat, annihilating many, and making slaves of the res t. Though the Libyan population of the western Delta continued to increa se by peaceful infiltration (as they had actually done before the invasion ), and would later form the basis for a line of kings that would ultimate ly rule Egypt, for a time at least, this firm action kept other enemi es at bay. By his eighth year as ruler, Ramesses III had to contend with a force of s uch great magnitude, that it destroyed at least the Hittite empire, and de vastated the entire region, though we really do not know of its sourc e. We read that: "The foreign countries conspired in their islands, and the lands were disl odged and scattered in battle together; no land could stand before their a rms: the land of the Hittites, Qode, Carchemesh, Arzawa and Cyprus were wa sted, and they set up a camp in southern Syria. They desolated its peop le and made its land as if non-existent. They bore fore before them as th ey came forward towards Egypt." Indeed, Cyprus had been overwhelmed and its capital, Enkomi, ransacked. Th ey destroyed the Hittite capital, Hattusas, as well as many other empire s. They conquered Tarsus and then settled on the plains of Cilicia in nort hern Syria, razing Alalakh and Ugarit to the ground. This upheaval was caused by a group of people collectively known as the S ea People, who were displaced from their homes by events that are as of y et unknown to us. However, this apparently took place over an extended per iod of time, and involved massive numbers of humans, consisting of the Pel eset (Philistines), Tjeker, Shekelesh (possibly Sikels from Sicily), Weshe sh and the Denyen or Dardany, who could have been the Danaoi of Homer's Il iad. The invasion of these people into various regions of the Middle Ea st apparently came in waves, as a number of Ramesses III's predecessors (p erhaps most notably Merenptah) had to deal with similar bands of people. Ramesses III had his fight against the Sea People documented on the out er wall of the Second Pylon, north side, of his mortuary temple at Medin et Habu. It is the longest hieroglyphic inscription known to us. On the ou ter north wall of the temple proper he had carved the illustrations of t he battle. After having stayed for a time in Syria, the Sea People apparen tly traveled over land to the Egyptian border. This was not simply a milit ary campaign. The Sea People had with them their women and children, toget her with their possessions piled high on ox-carts. They also employed a s ea fleet that apparently stayed in tract with those on land. Their intenti on was to settle in Egypt. Ramesses reacted swiftly to this threat, and in doing so, saved Egypt fr om the fate that would befall other empires, at least for a while. He disp atched squads of soldiers at once to the eastern Egyptian frontier at Dja hy (southern Palestine, perhaps the Egyptian garrison in the Gaza strip) w ith orders to stand firm at any cost until the main Egyptian army arrive d. Once deployed, the Egyptian army then had little problem in slaying the se enemies, as was depicted in the reliefs at Medinet Habu. However, the re was still the sea fleet to consider. Egypt was never particularly known for their navy, which was made up princ ipally of infantry, including archers, who were given special marine train ing. Yet they hated the sea, known as wdj wr, the "Great Green", as they c alled the Mediterranean. However, as the Sea Peoples' fleet headed for t he mouth of one of the eastern arms of the Nile, they were indeed met by t he Egyptian fleet. In an inspired tactical maneuver, the Egyptian fleet wo rked the Sea Peoples' boats towards shore, where land based Egyptian arche rs were waiting to pour volley after volley of arrows into the enemy ship s, while the Egyptian marine archers, calmly standing on the decks of the ir ships, fired in unison. As the Egyptian ships threw grappling hooks in to the Sea People's vessels, by the grace of the god Amun, the enemies fe ll dead into the water from the onslaught of the combined Egyptian force s. In fact, this victory provided considerable respect for the priestho od of Amun at Thebes. We have no documentation of any pursuit of the fleei ng Sea People as they returned to the Levant, but it is reasonable that th ere was such a campaign. Hence, for some three years, all was well and Egypt was for the most pa rt at peace. Then, after a gradual infiltration by immigrants into the ar ea west of the Canopic arm of the Nile from Egypt's western border, the Li byans, together with the Meshwesh and five other tribes, launched anoth er full scale invasion during Ramesses III's eleventh year as ruler. On ce again, Ramesses III countered the attack, crushing these opponents as w ell. Apparently some 2,000 of the enemy dead were left on the killing fiel ds, while the captured leaders were executed. The booty of the enemy captu red during the battle, consisting of cattle and other possession's were s ent south to the treasury of Amun. The details of this battle are fou nd on the inner, north wall of the First Pylon at Medinet Habu. There were apparently other campaigns during the reign of Ramesses II I, as recorded on the walls of his mortuary temple, though some of these s cenes are questionable. Many of these depictions record events that probab ly took place in bygone years, a common practice of many kings in ord er to elevate their reputations. In fact, some of these scenes from Medin et Habu clearly seem to be copies of earlier battles fought by his illustr ious predecessor, Ramesses II. However, it does seem that there were some other minor conflicts, particul arly from the desert around the latitude of Thebes, but these were rath er minor in nature. Non-Military Actions Ramesses III established a number of foreign contacts for trade, most nota bly with its old trading partner, Punt. This may have been Egypt's first c ontact with that land since the famous ventures in the days of Hatsheps ut of the 18th Dynasty. He also seems to have sent an expedition to Atik a, where the copper mines of Timna were located. The king is well known for his domestic building program, a consolidati on of law and order (as well as a tree-planting program). The end of the 1 9th Dynasty saw considerable corruption and various abuses, and Ramesses I II was forced to inspect and reorganize the various temples throughout t he country. The Great Harris Papyrus provides that Ramesses III made hu ge donations of land to the most important temples in Thebes, Memphis a nd Heliopolis. In fact, by the end of his reign, a third of the cultivatab le land belonged to the temples and of this, three quarters belonged to t he temple of Amun at Thebes. Though Ramesses III's foremost construct w as his mortuary temple at Medinet Habu, which was finished in about the 12 th year of his reign, at Karnak he provided numerous relief decorations a nd two new, small temples including one dedicated to Khonsu, the moon go d. Additional building work was carried out in a number of centers, includ ing Piramesses (or Pi-Ramesses, modern Qantir), Athribis (Tell Atrib), Hel iopolis, Memphis, Hermopolis (Ashmunein), Syut (Greek Lycopolis, modern As yut), Abydos and Edfu. For many generations, Egypt had two viziers, one governing Upper Egypt a nd anther official who oversaw Lower Egypt. Apparently there was a proble m; perhaps even a rebellion involving the unnamed Lower Egyptian vizier a nd so Ramesses III unified this high office under a single person nam ed To (Ta). The Death of Ramesses III While we know that Ramesses III likely died during the trial of the har em conspirators, we really do not know how he died, though some scholars b elieve it was at the hands of the conspirators while others believe it w as not related to the plot. Irregardless, his death signaled the coming e nd of the New Kingdom, and even the lofty position that Egypt held on t he world stage. He was buried in a large tomb (KV11) in the Valley of t he Kings on the West Bank at ancient Thebes (modern Luxor). His is most fa mous for having some secular scenes that were unusual among royal tombs, i ncluding a painting of two blind male harpists. Hence, though sometimes ca lled "Bruce's Tomb after its discoverer, James Bruce in 1769, in literatu re it is more well known as "The Tomb of the Harper". Presumably, he was s ucceeded by his son, Ramesses IV in about the year 1151 BC. References: Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 Complete Valley of the Kings, The (Tombs and Treasures of Egypt's Greate st Pharaohs) Reeves, Nicholas; Wilkinson, Richard H. 1966 Thames and Huds on Ltd IBSN 0-500-05080-5 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Additional Information: The Tomb of Ramesses III (KV 11) is really a rather complex system. It h as been known since antiquity, but was first partially explored during mod ern times by James Bruce in 1768. Later, William Browne gained access to t he burial chamber in 1792, and Belzoni removed the sarcophagus and lid, wh ich are now, respectively, in the Louvre and Fitzwilliam Museum. He nam ed it the "Tomb of the Harpists", due to a bas relief representation of t wo blind harpists. However, European travelers often referred to the to mb as "Bruce's Tomb". The tomb is beautifully decorated with grand colo rs that remain vivid. The tomb is 125 meters long and follows typical plans of the Nineteenth Dy nasty's tombs, though it has an unusual number of annexes. From the entra nce, a stairway leads to the first corridor, which has an annex on eith er side. This corridor leads directly two a second corridor that has fo ur small annexes on either side. The second corridor leads to a dead end r oom, but with a third corridor leading off from the right side. This chan ge in axis was due to the fact that workmen came across Amenemesses' to mb and so were required to make adjustments to avoid it. Up to the poi nt of this change in axis, the tomb was actually built for Setnakht, who a pparently abandoned the work at this point. Ramesses III offset the tom b, and continued the work as his own. From the third corridor, we finally reach the ritual shaft, and then a fo ur pillared hall with one large annex off to its right. After the pillar ed hall, a fourth corridor takes us to a two room vestibule, and then fin ally to the burial chamber. The burial chamber has one annex leading o ff from each of its corners, plus a fifth annex at the rear. At the entrance to the tomb are unique, twin Hathor-headed columns. Betwe en them is the standard solar disc with goddesses. The first several corr idors were decorated for Sethnakhte, with remnants of his name still prese nt. Passages from the Litany of Re adorn their walls. However, the side ch ambers were added by Ramesses III, and are decorated with unique secular s cenes, including paintings of the royal armory, representations of boat s, and the famous blind harpists. There are also scenes of the king's trea sury showing luxury items, some of which were clearly imported from Aegean . After the offset, the decorative program clearly becomes that of Ramess es III's work. Scenes from the Amduat are found in the corridor leading f rom the offset, while standard divine scenes decorate the ritual shaft. T he four pillared hall is decorated with scenes from the Book of Gates, wi th Ramesses and various deities on the pillars themselves. The final corr idor is inscribed with material from the Opening of the Mouth ceremony. In the antechambers, we find decorations depicting various deities. With in the burial chamber itself are to be found decorations form the Bo ok of Gates and the Book of the Earth. Interestingly, there are no ceili ng decorations, but the side rooms are decorated with texts an an examp le of the Book of the Divine Cow. There was little in the way of funerary equipment found in the Tomb. Oth er then the sarcophagus mentioned above, with the exception of five shabt is figures cast in solid bronze, now in the British Museum, in Turin, in t he Louvre, and in the Oriental Museum in Durham.
Born/Died 1137-1099 His ruling name was "Khepermaetre-Setpenre" and he was the Pharoah of Egy pt (XX Dynasty) from about 1104 to 1094 BCE. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 872, chart. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pps.152 & 209. Ramesses X was the ninth king of the Twentieth Dynasty. During his reign t he workers went on strike for wages not paid. There are few monuments of R amesses that have survived. He left a tomb in the Valley of the Kings. Twentieth Dynasty Manetho has no more to tell us about Dyn. XX than that it consisted of twe lve kings of Diospolis (Thebes), who reigned according to Africanus for 1 35 years and for 178 according to Eusebius. Nevertheless, it was a peri od of stirring events and at least one mighty Pharaoh. Also, a number of l engthy and highly informative writings have survived. The discussion of wh ich will demand considerable space. Meanwhile, the enemies of Egypt were d rawing ever closer, foreshadowing the humiliations which little over a cen tury later were to reduce her prestige almost to vanishing point. At the o utset, however, it seemed that an epoch of exceptional splendor was abo ut to dawn. A retrospect, contrasting this with a largely imaginary peri od of previous gloom, is worth quoting if only to exemplify a standing con vention of Pharaonic historical writing. The land of Egypt was cast adrift; every man a law unto himself. They h ad no commander for many years previously until there were other times wh en the land of Egypt consisted of princes and heads of villages; one man s laying his fellow both high and low. Then another time came after it consi sting of empty years, when Arsu a Syrian was with them as prince, and he m ade the entire land contributory under his sway. The text goes on to speak of the bloodshed which ensued, and the neglect w ith which the gods were treated until they restored peace by appointing Se tnakhte as king. In this strange passage, the glorious achievements of Dyn s. XVIII and XIX are ignored and we are transported back to the conditio ns of pre-Hyksos times. The sole specific fact recorded is the emergen ce of a Syrian condottiere who gained mastery over the entire land. The id entity of this foreigner has been much debated, the most interesting sugge stion due to Cerny, being that we have here a veiled reference to the 'kin g-maker' Bay mentioned at the end of the last chapter. But the writer's on ly purpose here was to commend the new sovereign of Egypt. Little is kno wn about Setnakhte except that he was the father of the great king Ramess es III and the husband of the later's mother Tiye-merenese. There are reas ons for thinking that the interval between the end of Dyn. XIX and his acc ession was quite short, perhaps not more than ten years. He may have reign ed less than two years. He usurped the tomb of Twosre and was doubtless bu ried in it. His coffin was found in the tomb of Amenophis II, but his mum my has not been discovered. Whatever the author of the retrospect may have pretended, Ramesses III w as himself very conscious of the greatness of the most celebrated of his p redecessors in Dyn. XIX, for he modeled both his Prenomen and his Nomen up on those of Ramesses II. His early years were fraught with terrible danger s. In the south, it is true, he had little to fear. Nubia had grown in to an Egyptian province, and the scenes which have survived of a batt le in this direction seem likely to be a mere convention borrowed from ear lier representation. For the very real and dangerous conflicts which Rames ses III had to face, our knowledge is mainly derived from the inscriptio ns and reliefs on the walls of his great temple of Medinet Habu; the be st preserved and most interesting of all the funerary sanctuaries on the w estern side of Thebes. This splendid monument, with its gigantic pylons a nd noble columnar courts, lay within inner and outer enclosures containin g, besides the central shrine itself, a whole township of dwellings for t he priests and their dependents, as well as a garden and a lake. The out er girdle wall of crude brick, approached by a canal branching off from t he Nile, had a height of 59 feet and a thickness of 25 feet, the length fr om front to back exceeding 300 yards. The center of the eastern side exhib ited a unique feature in a lofty gatehouse built to resemble one of tho se Syrian fortresses which the Egyptian armies had met with so often in th eir Asiatic campaigns, but here the purpose was not military. The upper st ories served as a resort where the Pharaoh could disport himself with t he ladies of his harem. The palace proper abutted onto the south side of t he temple's first court, with a balcony where the king might appear in ord er to distribute rewards to such nobles as he wished to honor. The wal ls of no other temple show scenes of greater interest. Religious subjec ts of course predominate, but pictures of warfare are also numerous and su pplement the written legends in the most valuable fashion. More so since t he latter have a turgidity in which narrative passages almost disappear am ong the surplus of flattering eloquence. The long inscription of year 5 first tells of a campaign against the weste rn neighbors of Egypt known generically as the Tjehnu. These people were i ncensed at having had imposed upon them a new ruler of the Pharaoh's choic e. The royal wisdom, so highly praised in the hieroglyphs, had evidently n ot been appreciated. Color on some of the sculptured reliefs shows prisone rs with red beards, side-locks, and long richly ornamented cloaks. Three t ribes are here mentioned, the Libu or Libyans who as we have seen are comm emorated in the name still applied to the whole north-eastern part of Afri ca outside Egypt, the Sped of whom nothing more is known, and the Meshwes h, first mentioned under Amenophis III, who henceforth play an ever increa singly important part in our historical records. They are commonly thoug ht of as the equivalent of the Maxyes located by Herodotus in the neighbor hood of Tunis. The next threat to Egypt was far more dreadful, being nothi ng less than an attempt on the part of a confederacy of sea-faring norther ners to establish themselves in the rich pasture-lands not only of the Del ta, but also of Syria and of Palestine. Permanent settlement was their ai m, and they brought their women and children with them in wheeled carts dr awn by humped oxen. We have seen that an attack of this kind, in which t he sea-peoples and the Libyans had been in alliance, had been repell ed by Merenptah. Now the Mediterranean war, though almost simultaneous wi th the Libyan wars of years 5 and 11, is described as a separate event, b ut was none the less dangerous on that account. The main aggression, dat ed to year 8, swooped down by land and sea simultaneously. The Sherden we re once again among the hostile forces, and once again warriors of this ra ce are shown fighting both with and against the Egyptians. The long-sin ce failing Hittite Empire was swept away, and with it the Anatolian alli es who had taken part in the battle of Kadesh. Of the enemies who had conf ronted Merenptah perhaps only the Sheklesh still played a part. A new tri be named the Weshesh are a mere name. Of deep interest, to Greek schola rs and to Orientalists, are three new peoples who emerge here for the fir st time, though it is just possible that the Danu or Danuna, surely the Da naoi of the Iliad, may have been mentioned once in the El-'Amarna letter s. Much more important, however, are the Peleset and the Tjekker, since t he incursion of these tribes into Palestine was, to some extent, successf ul and permanent. A narrative dating from about a century later describ es the Tjekker as sea-pirates occupying the port of Dor, but nothing mo re is known of them or of the name they bore. The Peleset, on the other ha nd, are the Philistines who were later alternately conquerors of and conqu ered Israelites, who gave their name to Palestine and whom our modern parl ance still remembers in an unfairly deprecatory way. There was a traditi on that they came from Caphtor or Crete, but this may have been only a sta ge in their migratory wanderings. In the Medinet Habu reliefs, both they a nd the Tjekker have feathered head-dresses and round shields. The rebuff inflicted upon these aggressive peoples is splendidly depict ed in the reliefs; the naval battle, in particular, being unique among Egy ptian representations. The verbal descriptions are sandwiched into a boast ful speech addressed by Ramesses III to his sons and his courtiers. The fo llowing extracts omit sentences from which nothing historical is to be lea rned: The foreign countries made a plot in their islands. Dislodged and scatter ed by battle were the lands all at one time, and no land could stand befo re their arms, beginning with Khatti, Kode, Carchemish, Arzawa, and Alasiy a...A camp was set up in one place in Amor, and they desolated its peop le and its land as though they had never come into being. They came, the f lame prepared before them, onwards to Egypt. Their confederacy consist ed of Peleset, Tjekker, Sheklesh, Danu, and Weshesh, united lands, and th ey laid their hands upon the lands to the entire circuit of the earth, the ir hearts bent and trustful 'Our plan is accomplished!' But the heart of t his god, the lord of the gods, was prepared and ready to ensnare them li ke birds...I established my boundary in Djahi, prepared in front of the m, the local princes, garrison-commanders, and Maryannu. I caused to be pr epared the rivermouth like a strong wall with warships, galleys, and skiff s. They were completely equipped both fore and aft with brave fighters car rying their weapons and infantry of all the pick of Egypt, being like roar ing lions upon the mountains; chariotry with able warriors and all good ly officers whose hands were competent. Their horses quivered in all the ir limbs, prepared to crush the foreign countries under their hoofs. Ramesses then compares himself to Mont, the god of war, and declares himse lf confident of his ability to rescue his army: As for those who reached my boundary, their seed is not. Their hearts a nd their souls are finished unto all eternity. Those who came forward toge ther upon the sea, the full flame was in front of them at the rivermouth s, and a stockade of lances surrounded them on the shore. For the details of the naval defeat, we turn rather to the reliefs th an to the verbal descriptions, although in the latter the outcome was desc ribed in the graphic words: a net was prepared for them to ensnare them, those who entered into the ri ver-mouths being confined and fallen within it, pinioned in their place s, butchered and their corpses hacked up. The artist has managed to combine into a single picture the various phas es of the engagement. First we see Egyptian soldiers attacking, in an unpe rturbedly form, the deck of their ship. Opposite them in a vessel, held fa st with grappling irons, the enemy is in the utmost confusion; two of th em falling into the water and one looks towards the shore in the hope of m ercy from the Pharaoh. Another of their vessels, however, displays them m et with a shower of arrows from the land. The Egyptian fleet now turns hom eward, taking with it numerous captives helpless and bound. One of them se eking to escape, is caught by a soldier on the bank. On the way upstre am a capsized vessel is encountered, with its entire crew flung into the w ater. The defeat of the invaders is complete. Nine separate ships have suf ficed to tell the tale, and there remains to be recounted only the present ation of the prisoners and the other details of the triumph to Amen-Re. The external troubles of Egypt were not yet at an end. In year 11, the Lib yan peril flared up again. On this occasion, the enemy is specifically sta ted to have been the Meshwesh. A circumstantial account of Ramesses's deal ings with these people is given in the closing section of the great papyr us from which the retrospect at the beginning of this chapter was quoted a nd which much will be said later. The Libu and Meshwesh were settled in Egypt and had seized the towns of t he Western Tract from Kikuptah (Memphis) to Keroben, and had reached the G reat River on its every side. They it was who had desolated the towns of X ois for may years when they were in Egypt. Behold, I destroyed them, sla in at one stroke. I laid low the Meshwesh, Libu, Asbat, Kaikash, Shayte p, Hasa, and Bakan, overthrown in their blood and made into heaps. I ma de them turn back from trampling upon the boundary of Egypt. I took of tho se whom my sward spared many captives, pinioned like birds before my horse s, their women and their children in tens of thousands, and their catt le in number like hundreds of thousands. I settled their leaders in strong holds called by my name. I gave to them troop-commanders and chiefs of tri bes, branded and made into slaves stamped with my name, their women and th eir children treated likewise. I brought their cattle to the House of Amu n, made for him into everlasting herds. Two great inscriptions at Medinet Habu, both dated in year 11, deal exclus ively with the same struggle, but their flowery language, in which many fo reign and otherwise unknown words occur, conveys far less information th an the passage above quoted. There is only one addition. We learn that Mes her, the Chief of the Meshwesh, was taken prisoner, and that his father Ke per appealed for mercy in vain. This incident is also depicted in the stri king scene where are enumerated the hands and phalli of the slain, the cap tives, the arms taken as booty, and the cattle added to the herds of the T heban god and those otherwise disposed of. The numbers given, though grea t, are by no means incredible. Another picture shows the Egyptians fighti ng from two fortresses, a clear indication that they had been on the defen sive. At Medinet Habu, there are several scenes of campaigns in Asia which sti ll require consideration. On one wall, Ramesses III is seen attacking t wo Hittite towns, one of them labeled 'The town of Arzawa'. In another sce ne, the town Tunip is being stormed, and a third town, Amor,is on the poi nt of surrendering. All these pictures are clearly anachronisms and must h ave been copied from originals of the reign of Ramesses II. There is, howe ver, ample evidence that the designers of Medinet Habu borrowed greatly fr om the neighboring Ramesseum. Confirmation is given in the papyrus cited a bove. This has no mention of a Syrian campaign, still less of one again st the Hittites. All that is said is that Ramesses III 'destroyed the Seir ites in the tribes of the Shosu'; the Shosu have been already mention ed as the Bedouins of the desert bordering the south of Palestine. 'The mo untain of Se'ir' named on an obelisk of Ramesses II is the Edomite mounta in referred to in several passages of the Old Testament. It looks as thou gh the defeat of these relatively unimportant tent-dwellers was the utmo st which Ramesses III could achieve after his struggle with the Mediterran ean hordes, and this allusion closes for more than two centuries the sto ry of Egypt's strivings to achieve an Asiatic empire. Although Ramesses III reigned for a full thirty-one years and celebrat ed a Sed-festival perhaps at the beginning of his thirtieth, there are sig ns of various internal troubles, particularly towards the end of his lif e. At one moment the monthly rations due to the workmen engaged on the roy al tomb were sadly in debt, and this led to strikes ended only by the inte rvention of the vizier To, who was, however, unable to supply more than ha lf what was actually required. Far more serious was a conspiracy which thr eatened the life of the monarch himself. From early in the reign, there h ad been indications that trouble was likely to arise over the successio n. To judge from the latest date recorded at Medinet Habu, that great temp le had been completed by year 12, and it is a curious fact that thoug h, as in the Ramesseum, many of the king's sons were there depicted, as we ll as the queen in a few instances, no names were ever filled in, though s pace was left for them. And yet, it is certain that the son who actually s ucceeded as Ramesses IV was already alive, since his mummy, discover ed in the tomb of Amenophis II, was that of a man at least fifty yea rs of age and probably more'. Without speculating on this and much furth er evidence of the kind which complicates the history of all the next reig ns, we turn now to the graphic story related in several papyri of which t he most important is preserved in the Turin Museum. This magnificent manus cript, written in large hieratic majuscules befitting a state docume nt of the highest importance, suggests that its original home may have be en the temple-library at Medinet Habu. Omitting, for the moment, the lo ng but fragmentary introduction which precedes the main narrative, we n ow quote the first entry: The great enemy Paibekkamen who had been major-domo. He was brought on acc ount of his having attached himself to Tiye and the women of the hare m. He made common cause with them and proceeded to carry their words outsi de to their mothers and their brothers and sisters who were there, sayi ng 'Collect people and foment hostility' so as to make rebellion against t heir lord. And they set him in the presence of the great officials of t he Place of Examination and they examined his crimes and found that he h ad committed them. And his crimes took hold of him, and the officials w ho examined him caused his punishment to cleave to him. Twenty-nine of the criminals, classified in five categories, are dealt wi th in similar manner, besides six wives not individually specified. A curi ous fact is that a number of the men's names have been deliberately disgui sed, apparently on account of some overauspicious word that entered into t heir composition. Thus a certain butler--very high court-officials were of ten butlers in Ramesside times--assuredly did not bear the name Mesedsur e' here credited to him. Mesed-means 'hates' and the real name will have b een Mersure' 'Re loves him'. The harem, in which the plot was hatche d, is termed 'the harem in accompanying', presumably one not station ed in a particular place like those of Memphis and of Miwer in the Fayou m, but one which accompanied Ramesses upon his journeying. Many harem offi cials were involved, the overseer and deputy-overseer, two scribes, and s ix inspectors, besides the wives of the door-keepers. More dangerous th an most of those arrested was a troop-commander from Cush. He had been sub orned by his sister, one of the harem-women, and had their schemes prosper ed they might have stirred the whole of Nubia into revolt, especially if a ssisted by the general Paiis. It is characteristic of the age that among b oth accused and judges, several were foreigners: Ba'almahar was clear ly a Semite, Inini is described as a Libyan, and the name of Peluka procla ims him a Lycian. The more prominent among the guilty were allowed to peri sh by their own hand. Others who were left unharmed 'died of their own acc ord' possibly from starvation. Cutting off of the nose and ears was the fa te of four officials who in spite of precise instructions given to them h ad caroused with women of the harem and with Paiis. Only one man, a standa rd-bearer, got off with nothing worse than a severe reprimand. This w as a person who together with two of the four just mentioned, had fou nd a place among the judges when first appointed. It is strange that so li ttle should be learnt about Tiye; the lady around whom the entire plot cen tered. Also, her son Pentawere, possibly the boy whom the conspirators we re planning to place upon the throne, is mentioned only very casually as o ne of those who 'died of their own accord'. Further light is thrown upon the conspirators' machinations by the other f ragmentary papyri dealing with the case. A former overseer of cattle had i nduced a learned scribe to write magical spells and to make waxen images w hich were to be smuggled into the harem, but it is expressly said that t he ploy was unsuccessful and that the culprits met with the fate that th ey deserved. It still remains to discuss the nature of these extraordina ry documents. A first step in the right direction was taken by Breasted, w ho noticed that in one place where Ramesses III is mentioned, he receiv es the epithet 'the great god' reserved for kings already deceased. He con cluded that though Ramesses had ordered the trial, he had been severely wo unded and had died before the criminals were brought to trial. Unhappil y, in Breasted's day our knowledge of Late-Egyptian syntax was not suffici ently advanced to enable him to translate the damaged introduction of t he Turin papyrus correctly. It is the merit of de Buck to have seen that i nstead of the king there giving an order in the present tense, the whole t ext is a narrative of past events fictitiously put into the mouth of the d ead monarch. After enumerating the judges whom he had appointed and quoti ng the words of his instruction to them, he continues as follows: And they went and examined them, and they caused to die by their own han ds those whom they caused to die, though I know not whom, and they punish ed the others also, though I know not whom. But I had charged them very st rictly saying 'Take good heed and beware lest punishment be inflicted up on anyone crookedly by an official who is not over him'; thus I spoke to t hem (the judges) again and again. And as for all that has been don e, it is they who have done it; let all that they have done fall upon the ir heads. For I am exempted and protected everlastingly, being among the r ighteous kings who are in the presence of Amen-Re', King of the Gods, a nd in the presence of Osiris, the Ruler of Eternity. This passage reads like an apologia on Ramesses III's part for an excessi ve severity or even some degree of injustice which had been charged again st him. The narrative as presented to us was evidently compiled by comma nd of Ramesses IV, and it will soon be seen how eager the son was to displ ay his deceased father's reign as a period of clear generosity. That Rames ses III himself ordered the trial cannot be reasonably doubted, but the no te of self-pardon put into his mouth may well have been the invention of h is successor. There is no solid ground for supposing that the conspiracy w as either wholly or half successful. The mummy of Ramesses III found in t he cache at Der el-Bahri is stated by Maspero to have been that of a man a bout 65 years of age, and no trace of wounds is reported. Nor is there a ny reason for dating the plot towards the end of the reign. It may have oc curred much earlier. No mention of it is found in the great manuscript n ow to be described. Papyrus Harris No. 1, in the possession of the British Museum, is the mo st magnificent of all Egyptian state archives. It is a document 133 feet l ong by 16 1/2 inches high containing 117 columns of hieratic writi ng of an amplitude that could only belong to an original of the utmost imp ortance. The somewhat vague information that has survived with regard to i ts discovery suggests that it, like the conspiracy papyri, once belong ed to the records of the great temple of Medinet Habu. The opening page su mmarizes the benefactions bestowed by Ramesses III upon the various divini ties of the entire land, and here again he is clearly represented as a de ad king speaking in his own person. Next, a fine colored picture represen ts the king worshipping before Amen-Re', Mut, and Chons, the three princip al deities of his Theban capital. In a long narrative passage he then desc ribes in rhetorical, self-laudatory fashion all the buildings, temple equi pment, lands, ships, and so forth with which he has endowed the city. Th is is followed by a lengthy statistical section giving precise figures f or the donations received from various sources throughout the entire durat ion of the reign, first the personnel, cattle, vineyards, fields, ships, t owns in Egypt and Syria given by the king himself from his first to his th irty-first year, then the amounts obtained by taxation, and lastly other i tems received in various ways and for other purposes. This part of the bo ok concludes with a prayer in which Ramesses III asks that as his reward b lessings may be bestowed upon his beloved son Ramesses IV. There follow s, written by a different hand, and obviously furnished by the priestho od of Atum in the north, a Heliopolitan section composed upon exactly t he same lines and ending in exactly the same way; to this succeeds a Memph ite section addressed to Ptah and to the associated deities of the third g reat capital city. The remaining local divinities are dealt with comprehen sively in a shorter section of special value as showing what towns were pa rticularly honored by Ramesses III, but the list names no place farther so uth than Coptos. Then comes a summary in which are added up, though not wi thout some errors, all the figures previously given, and we see that the e state of Amen-Re' at Karnak was by far the greatest beneficiary. Even if t he Pharaoh more frequently resided in Lower Egypt, Thebes remained the spi ritual center of the kingdom, and its wealth was prodigious. The great roll ended with that comprehensive survey of past and recent eve nts from which several quotations have been given above. Doubtless belongi ng to the era of peace which followed upon the early wars of the reign we re several expeditions which are graphically described: one to Pwene when ce the returning ships brought back with them much myrrh to be present ed to the Pharaoh himself at his downstream capital by the children of th at distant land's chieftain. Quests for copper to some unlocated mines a nd for turquoise to the famous site of Serabit el-Khadim in the Peninsu la of Sinai. Ramesses III had previously boasted of having refrained fr om taking from the temples one man in every ten to serve in the army, th at having been the custom under earlier kings. He would now have us belie ve that perfect tranquillity prevailed throughout the entire land: I caused the woman of Egypt to walk freely wheresoever she would unmolest ed by others upon the road. I caused to sit idle the soldiers and the char iotry in my time, and the Sherden and the Kehek in their villages to l ie at night full length without any dread. Some internal disturbances there may indeed have been, apart from the form idable plot above treated at length. There was trouble in Athribis wi th a vizier who was removed from his office. It may have been on this occa sion that, contrary to previous custom, To was granted the vizierate of bo th halves of the country. The final retrospect was addressed to all the of ficials and military officers of the land, and concluded by urging th em to show loyal service to the new king Ramesses IV. Perhaps that was t he real purpose of this voluminous composition.
Born/Died ca. 1060-1108 BCE His ruling name was "Neferkare-Setpenre"and he was the Pharoah of Egypt ( XX Dynasty) from about 1123 to 1104 BCE. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 872, chart. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pps.152 & 209. Ramesses IX was the eighth king of the Twentieth Dynasty. He is thoug ht to have reigned for about seventeen or more years. During his reign, th ere was a scandal in which the tombs in the Theban necropolis were being r obbed. There were also campaigns by Libyan bandits. He had a son, Montuher khopshef, who did not live to succeed Ramesses. His tomb was found in t he Valley of the Kings. Additional Sources: Complete Valley of the Kings, The (Tombs and Treasures of Egypt's Greate st Pharaohs) Reeves, Nicholas; Wilkinson, Richard H. 1966 Thames and Huds on Ltd IBSN 0-500-05080-5 Guide to the Valley of the Kings Siliotti, Alberto 1997 Barnes & Noble Boo ks ISBN 0-7607-0483-x Valley of the Kings Weeks, Kent R. 2001 Friedman/Fairfax ISBN 1-5866-3295- 7 Valley of the Kings Heyden, A. Van Der Al Ahram/Elsevier
Born/Died ca. 1110-1069 BCE His ruling name was "Menmaetre-Setpenptah" and he was the Pharoah of Egy pt (XX Dynasty) from about 1094 to 1064 BCE. He was the last of the Rames side pharoahs although at least one of the early pharoahs of the XXI dynas ty had a Ramesside name. The compiled genealogies of the subsequent sever al generations (1) are impossible to reconcile with the historical informa tion available (2), the primary problem appearing to be that the genealogi es of the Tanite pharoahs of the XXI dynasty and the High Priests of Am un at Thebes appear to have been scrambled. The following is William L. "T oby" Dills attempt to unscramble them. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.643-657. 3. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 872, chart. 4. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pps.152 & 209. Ramesses XI was the tenth and the last king of the Twentieth Dynasty as we ll as the New Kingdom. The reign of this king was a period of turmoil. Ram esses was not a very energetic or vital ruler. The viceroy of Nubia, Paneh si, went from Elephantine to Thebes to try to stop the unrest that was ari sing from contention over the region that was between the high priest of A mon and others. At the same time there was a famine and was called the "Ye ar of the Hyena." Hrihor was left in Thebes by Panehsi to control the affa irs there. He soon assumed the role of the high priest of Amon and eventua lly became the vizier as well. This was the cause of the eventual downfa ll of Panehsi. Panehsi rebelled and stopped Egypt's domination in Nubia. H rihor administered the affairs of Egypt while Ramesses XI remained in secl usion. Upon the death of Ramesses, Hrihor and Smendes divided Egypt betwe en themselves. Ramesses was technically pharaoh until his death, but Hrih or was the ruler of Upper Egypt for all practical purposes. Ramesses' dea th marked the end of the Twentieth Dynasty and the New Kingdom. His to mb is located in the Valley of the Kings. Tomb Information: Tomb KV4, located in the Valley of the Kings on the West Bank at Luxor (an cient Thebes) has been known and open since antiquity (though not op en to the public now), and it received many ancient tourists, as evidenc ed by the Demotic Egyptian, Greek , Latin, Coptic and later, French and En glish graffiti on its walls, and was noted by the French expedition to Egy pt in the late 18th century. It was used as a workshop during the 21st Dyn asty by Pinudjem for the purpose of stripping the funerary equipment fr om KV20 (Hatshepsut), KV34 (Tuthmosis III) and KV38 (Tuthmosis I) during t he process of moving the mummies to the other locations such as KV35's mum my cache. At this time, Egypt's economy was failing and apparently the val uable gold and other materials were needed to bolster its treasuries. Duri ng the Christian period, it became a residence and a stable, as did oth er tombs in the valley. Later, Howard Carter used the tomb as a storero om and dining hall while he worked to clear the tomb of Tutankhamen. Howev er, it was only cleared in 1979 by John Romer for the Brooklyn Museum. Mo re recently, Richard Wilkinson and his University of Arizona team complet ed an epigraphic and iconographic recording of this tomb, as well as othe rs in the Valley. Though there is no evidence of any flooding within this tomb, KV4 has a cr ack between the columns and the roof of the burial chamber that was probab ly the result of the dessication of the limestone. Also, an apparent ancie nt repair was made to the lower edge of the overhand at the end of the ent ry approach. Here several beams had been placed to help support the ceilin g, as evidenced by their holes. A substantial vertical crack zigzags throu gh the center of the overhand and displacement slippage is readily eviden t. There are large cracks also in the walls of the upper corridors, that h ave resulted in the loss of plaster and the wall surfaces, particularly wi thin the entrance and the first corridor. It would seem that while tomb KV4, located just outside the main eastern g roup of tombs and a little further up a narrow wadi beyond the tomb of Yu la and Tuya, was dug for Ramesses XI, who was the last ruler of Egypt's 20 th Dynasty, it was abandoned without ever being used for this king's buri al (though it is relatively complete in the basic architectural elemen ts of this period for tombs). In fact, the first pillared hall and buri al chamber were left unfinished, with the decorative theme only reaching t he first of the corridors. Were this tomb open to the public, it wou ld be of little interest, its main attraction simply being that it was t he last of the Royal tombs to be built in the Valley of the Kings. The tomb consists of an initial entrance, a first corridor followed by a r elatively sharp descending ramp, with a second, and then a third corrid or prior to reaching the undecorated and undug ritual well room. The entra nce and first two corridors have a shallow slope, and in the second corrid or we find a pair of rectangular niches in the usual positions, near the c orridor's entrance, on the north and south walls. The unfinished pillar ed hall follows, after which a ramp leads into the unfinished burial chamb er with a deep burial shaft in its center. Interestingly, within the buri al chamber the pillars are rectangular rather then square. The ceili ng is vaulted. While there were no barriers in this tomb, pivot holes f or door leafs were present in most of the inner corridors and chambers. The shaft within the burial chamber was an unusual feature, leading John R omer to believe there might have been additional chambers below. He stated : "Ramesses (XI)'s tomb had one feature which intrigued us: in the splend id vaulted burial chamber...., more than 250 ft. into the cliff face the re was, instead of the usual granite sarcophagus...., a vast shaft, so me 14 ft. by 10 ft., which dropped straight down into pitch darkness.... To clear it out was going to be an awkward job. But once we had done it, w hat might we not find? A hidden door to another corridor, and other chambe rs?" Obviously, Romer was disappointed that the shaft led only down to its flo or below, with no mysteries left to be found. The only decorations discovered within the tomb were on the doorway betwe en the entrance and the first corridor, and at the beginning of the fir st corridor. In the doorway lintel between the entrance and the first corr idor, we find Ramesses XI kneeling between two goddess flanked by the s un disk, Atem. We also find the king's name on the door jamb. Within the first corridor, which was plastered over with a thick, yellowi sh coating, only preliminary sketches in red are present. Here, the ki ng is found before gods on either side near the corridor's entrance. On t he south wall, the king faces Amun-Re Horakhty, who has four ram heads, a nd the Goddess of the West. On the north side the king stand before a hawk -headed Amun Re Horakhty. Part of this scene was repaired by Pinudjem, w ho was a High Priest of Amun. In the scene, Pinudjem substituted his own n ame for that of the king. It would seem that Pinudjem had thought to be bu ried here himself, but like Ramesses XI, he also ended up rejecting the id ea. Related to Ramesses XI, the major artifact finds in this tomb consist ed of three foundation deposits inscribed with his name that were unearth ed at the mouth of the burial shaft deep within the tomb. Other items inc luded limestone chips left by the tomb builders, and small fragments of fa ience, gold gesso and cedar wood, mostly found on the floors of the inn er corridors and chambers. However, due to the work of Pinudjem, intrusi ve items were also found. These items included a two large fragmen ts of a blue faience vessel inscribed with the Horus name of Tuthmosis I a nd Ramesses II (though which king it belonged to is unknown), gilded ges so from the coffin of Tuthmosis III, as well as some chopped up funerary s tatuettes from that king's tomb, who of which bore hieroglyphs incorporati ng Tuthmosis III's throne name, fragments of the coffin of Queen Hatsheps ut and a crude and three "lost contour" calcite shabtis of Ramesses I V. We are also told that a beeswax figure, basically a sculptor's mode l, of Ramesses XI standing before the goddess Ma'at was also found in KV 4, though the references on this are scant. There were also intrusive burials within the tomb, evidenced by 22nd Dynas ty remains of a wooden coffin and the bones of as many as three bodies. Th ey were found in the shaft of the burial chamber. Evidencing the Coptic oc cupation of the tomb were a mud floor between the second and third corrido rs and a stone wall between the well shaft and the pillared hall. Currently, we do not know the location of Ramesses XI's actual burial, b ut it has been suggested that he may have been laid to rest somewhere in N orthern Egypt.
Rudamun was the final pharaoh of the Twenty-third dynasty of Ancient Egypt. His titulary simply reads as Usermaatre Setepenamun, Rudamun Meryamun, and excludes the Si-Ese or Netjer-Heqawaset epithets employed by his father and brother. He was the younger son of Osorkon III, and the brother of Takelot III. He is a poorly attested pharaoh of this Dynasty according to Kenneth Kitchen's seminal book on The Third Intermediate Period of Egypt. Kitchen credits him with a brief reign of about 2-3 years due to the few contemporary documents known for him. These include a small amount of decorative work done on the Temple of Osiris Heqadjet, several stone blocks from Medinet Habu, and a vase. In recent years, two fragments of a faience statuette bearing Rudamun's name from Hermopolis) have been discovered. This recent discovery suggests that Radamun managed to preserve the unity of his father's large kingdom in Upper Egypt ranging from at least Herakleopolis to Thebes during his reign. Some Egyptologists such as David Aston have argued that Rudamun is the anonymous Year 19 king attested at Wadi Gasus. However, recent archaeological discoveries favour Takelot III instead since a donation stela from Takelot III's Year 13 was discovered in February 2005 at Dakhla Oasis by an expedition from New Yorks Columbia University.. Another alternative is that the Year 19 Wadi Gasus ruler was a certain Shoshenq VII, a new unknown ruler as proposed by G. Broekman in a paper based on Nile Level Text No.3 which is dated to Year 5 of a Theban king who ruled after Osorkon III. However, there are serious doubts among scholars as to whether Nile Level Text No.3 contained the nomen Shoshenq rather than Takelot. Jean Legrain who had the first opportunity to survey the Karnak Quay Texts did not read any royal nomen in this inscription--from his 1898 publication of the Quay Texts--since the stone had already been badly eroded. The stone would have been in even worse shape when Von Beckerath inspected the document in 1953 and assumed the surviving traces on the Text No.3 referred to a king Shoshenq, rather than a Takelot. Soon after Rudamun's death, his kingdom quickly fragmented into several minor city states under the control of various local kings such as Peftjaubast of Herakleopolis, Nimlot at Hermopolis, and Ini at Thebes. Peftjaubast married Irbastudjanefu, Rudamun's daughter, and was, therefore, Rudamun's son-in-law. Nothing is known about Rudamun's final burial place and the surviving contemporary information from his reign suggests that it was quite brief.
Born ca. 1635 BCE She was described as a sister, daughter and grand daughter of kings and w as probably descended from earlier rulers of the XVII and XVIII dynasti es (1). Sources: 1. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #1, pp.70-71.
reigned 1 year?
reigned 3 years
Pharoah in 17th Dynasty, 2nd Intermediate Period, ruled from Elphanti ne to Abydos, Nile River valley, Egypt. Born ca 1658 BCE, died 1558 BCE. H is throne name, Sa-nakht-en-re, means "Perpetuated like Re." Sources: 1. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberge r, E. (eds.) 'The Cambridge Ancient History' 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #1, pp.70-73 .
Source: My lines by Robert Brian Stewart, http://homepages.rootsweb.com/~c ousin/html/d0005/g0000590.html#I24723 Vizier under (probably) Mernerferre Ay, king of all Egypt circa 1713-16 90 BCE. Probably identical with Senebhanef, controller of the hall, s on of Yauyebi, vizier under (probably) Wahibre Yauyebi, king c. 1723-17 13 and Renressonb, certainly daughter of Id, Herald of Adhur-nakht.
Possibly granddaughter of Amenemhet III, king of Egypt (XII) 1844 BCE-17 97 BCE, died-1797, buried in the pyramid at Dahshur or Hawara, ruled 46 ye ars. However, I am not including it in the genealogy, as I have only se en it from one source and cannot verify with other Egytian sources. JCT 5/ 12/03 Near a village called Lisht, about halfway between Dahshur and Maidum, a nd just south of the city of El Aiyat lies the ancient area known as Lish t. There are ruins of a residential town, called Itytawi, founded by t he first two 12th Dynasty Kings. However, the two main attractions, thou gh both considerably ruined, are the Pyramids of Amenemhet I and Senwosr et I. Neither of the pyramids have the substance of those to the Nor th in the Cairo/Memphis/Sakkara area. Amenemhet I's Pyramid is partly constructed of limestone blocks taken fr om Old-Kingdom monuments. The granite door removed from the north entran ce and now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, covered little, as that entran ce is inaccessible. Originally, it was at the back of a chapel which le ad to an access shaft. However, there is water in the burial chamber, whi ch makes it impossible to visit. To the east and on a lower terrace is the funerary temple, which is al so in ruins. Little remain of this, but inside the enclosure are royal to mbs and mastabas, which include that of the visier Antefoker. The to mb of Senebtisi, where a number of papyri were discovered, lies outside t he southwest corner of the wall.
Born/Died ca. 1323-1279 BCE. Buried: Dayr al-Bahri, Valley of the Kings, L uxor, Egypt. His actual name was "Men.maat.re'Sety mer.en.ptah" His Thro ne name, Men-maat-re, means "Eternal is the Justice of Re." His birth na me and epithet, Seti Mery-en-ptah, means "He of the God Seth, Beloved of P tah, and he was the Pharoah of Egypt (XIX Dynasty) from about 1296 to 12 79 BCE. Stuart (1) notes the suggestion that Rameses I and possibly Se ti I were married to heiresses of the royal family descended from Amenhot ep III. A specific marriage for either is not mentioned in the Cambrid ge history (2), although it is not unreasonable. In any case the descent f rom Amenhotep III is not likely to have been through his primary wif e, as heirs of that marriage would probably have taken precedence in the s uccession earlier. In Thebes, he built his tomb, located in the Vall ey of the Kings. Buried with him were over 700 Shabti Sources: Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds.) "T he Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.217-225. Armies of the Pharaohs Healy, Mark 1992 Osprey Publishing ISBN 1 85532 9 39 5 Dictionary of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian; Nicholson, Paul 1995 Har ry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers ISBN 0-8109-3225-3 Egyptian Treasures from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo Tiradritti, Francesc o, Editor 1999 Harry N. Abrams, Inc. ISBN 0-8109-3276-8 Egyptian Warfare and Weapons Shaw, Ian 1991 Shire Publications LTD IS BN 0 7478 0142 8 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Warrior Pharaoh, The: Rameses II and the Battle of Qadesh Healy, Mark 19 93 Osprey Publishing ISBN 1 84176 039 0 Seti I was the father of perhaps Egypt's greatest rulers, Ramesses II, a nd was in his own right also a great leader. His birth name is Seti Mery- en-ptah, meaning "He of the god Seth, beloved of Ptah. To the Greek s, he was Sethos I, and his throne name was Men-maat-re, meaning "Etern al is the Justice of Re". He ruled Egypt for 13 years (though some Egypto logists differ on this matter, giving him a reign of between 15 and 20 yea rs) from 1291 through 1278 BC. In order to rectify the instability under t he Amarna kings, he early on set a policy of major building at home a nd a committed foreign policy. Seti was the son of Ramesses I and his queen, Sitre. He probably rul ed as co-regent, evidenced by an inscription on a statue from Medamud. Se ti married into his own military caste. His first wife was Tuya, who was t he daughter of a lieutenant of charioteers. His first son died young, b ut his second son was Ramesses II. There was also a daughter, Tia, a nd a second daughter named Henutmire, who would become a minor queen of Ra messes II. This was truly a great period in Egypt, and perhaps the greatest in regar ds to art and culture. In the building projects that Seti I undertook, t he quality of the reliefs and other designs were probably never surpass ed by later rulers. He is responsible for beginning the great Hypostyle H all in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, which his son Ramesses II later finis hed. Seti's reliefs are on the north side and their fine style is evide nt when compared to later additions. However, at Abydos, he built perhaps the most remarkable temple ever const ructed in Egypt. It has seven sanctuaries, dedicated to himself, Ptah, Re -Harakhte, Amun-Re, Osiris, Isis and Horus. Interestingly, in this temp le a part called the Hall of Records or sometimes the Gallery of Lists, Se ti is shown with his son before a long official list of the pharaohs begin ning with the earliest times. However, the names of the Amarna pharaohs a re omitted, as if they never existed, and the list jumps from Amenhotep I II directly to Horemheb. Behind the temple at Abydos Seti build another remarkable structure kno wn as the Osireion. Completely underground, originally a long tunnel deco rated with painted scenes from the Book of Gates led to a huge hall. Th is whole structure with a central mound surrounded by canal water was symb olic of the origins of life from the primeval waters. It was here that Se ti rested after his death and before being taken to his tomb in the Vall ey of the Kings. Other building projects included a small temple at Abydos dedicated to Set i's father, Ramesses I, his own mortuary temple at Thebes, and his best bu ilding project of all, his tomb in the Valley of the Kings. This tomb, o ne of the few actually completed, was without doubt the finest in the Vall ey of the Kings, as well as the longest and deepest. Militarily, Seti let an expedition to Syria as early as his first ye ar as king. This was probably understandable, as he had also led campaig ns to Palestine during the last months of his father, Ramesses I's rule. T his, and other campaign during his first six years of rule are document ed on the outer north and east wall of the great temple of Amun at Karna k. There is also a stele from Beth-Shan, for some time a major Egyptian ce nter in Palestine, that records his early campaign. The attack was up t he coast of Gaza, where he secured wells along the main trade route, and t hen taking the town, before pressing on further north. He took the ar ea up to Tyre before returning to the fortress of Tjel in the north east D elta. There was a latter attack on Syria and Lebanon where he (and the Egyptian s) fought the Hittites for the first time. One scene at Karnak shows t he capture of Kadesh, which would also be attacked later by Ramesses I I. He also fought campaigns against the Libyans of the western deser t. We further learn that in year eight of Seti's reign, he had to cru sh a rebellion in Nubia in the region of Irem, where he carried off over s ix hundred prisoners. However, apparently this was a minor problem as t he campaign only lasted for seven days. Seti's mummy is said to be the finest of all surviving royal mummies, thou gh it was not found in his tomb. Rather, it was found in the Deir el-Baha ri cache in 1881. Dockets on the mummy show that it had been restored dur ing the reign of the High Priest of Amun, Heribor (1080-1074 BC) and aga in in year 15 of Smendes (about 1054 BC).
His throne name, User-kheperu-re Setep-en-re, means "Powerful are the Mani festations of Re, Chosen by Re." His birth name and epithet, Seti mer-en-p tah, means "He of the god Seti, Beloved of Ptah."
Birth: ABT 1350 BCE Death: ABT 1293 BCE in Egypt
Born ca. 1240 BCE, Died 1185 BCE Stuart (1) notes that Settipani, a noted scholar of such things, shows Set hnaknte as son of Ramesses II and the Hittite wife, whose Egyptian na me is given in the Cambridge history (2). This latter source shows no par entage for Sethnakhte (3) however. Dodson (5) suggests he was grands on of Ramesses II. He was the first Pharoah of the XX Dynasty in Egypt un til about 1198 BC and his ruling name was "Userkhaure". Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425A. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.232. 3. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.239-241. 4. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 872, chart. 5. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pps.142, 152 & 209. Refusing to acknowledge the previous two pharaohs, the first king of the 2 0th Dynasty dated the beginning of his reign to that of Seti II. He probab ly usurped the throne from Tworse, Seti IIs widow, and later queen-pharao h. He was at an advanced age when he took the throne but managed to accomp lish peace and order in a short period of time. His tomb was not complet ed when he died so he was placed in that Tworses. His coffin was fou nd in Amenophis II's tomb but his mummy has not been found. Sethnakhte w as the father of Ramesses III and the husband of Ramesses' mother, Tiye-me renese. Additional Information: Setnakhte was the first king of Egypt's 20th Dynasty, the last dynas ty of the New Kingdom. This is the king's birth name that, together with h is epithet, mereramunre, means "Victorious is Set, Beloved of Amun Re ". He is sometimes also known as Setnakht and Sethnakht. His throne name w as Userkhaure Setepenre, meaning "Powerful are the Manifestations of Re, C hosen by Re". The cloud that surrounds the end of the 19th Dynasty swirls about a charac ter known as Bay. He was a chancellor who has been referred to as the "kin gmaker", for he made the claim that it was he who "established the ki ng on the throne of his father", referring to Siptah. Indeed, he probab ly assisted Tausert as she ruled Egypt in the name of her stepson, Sipta h. In fact, as Tausert eventually took on the full regalia of rulership af ter Siptah's death, it is certainly possible that Bay may have effective ly ruled Egypt. Originally a scribe to Seti II, we believe that he could h ave been of foreign blood, perhaps Syrian. After the death of Tausert, Chancellor Bay may have even ruled Egypt f or a brief period, for many Egyptologists believe that it was he who is re ferred to in the Papyrus Harris I as Iarsu (Irsu): "The land of Egypt was overthrown from without and every man was thrown o ut of his right; they had no chief for many years formerly until other tim es. The land of Egypt was in the hands of chiefs and of rulers of towns; o ne slew his neighbor great and small. Other times having come after it, wi th empty years, Iarsu, a certain Syrian was with them as chief. He set t he whole land tributary before him together; he united his companions a nd plundered their possessions. They made the gods like men and no offerin gs were presented in the temples." Actually, the name Iarsu has the meaning, "self-made man", which would ha ve been a derogatory way of referring to him as an usurper of the thron e, and irregardless of whether Chancellor bay is one and the same as Iars u, he had an evil reputation. However, it is interesting that he was appar ently allowed a burial in the Valley of the Kings, (KV13). One way or t he other though, is is very clear that Egypt suffered some amount of turmo il at the end of the 19th Dynasty. It was Setnakhte, who ended the confusion and reestablished ma'at in the T wo Lands, though we know very little about him. Almost all of our informat ion about the king is either from the Papyrus Harris I, which was writt en some 65 years after his death, or from a stela he had erected on the is land of Elephantine dated to the second year of his reign (though it may h ave been the first year he was in complete control of Egypt after having s ettled the earlier confusion). In fact, we really have no information about how Setnakhte came to the thr one, though it has been suggested that he may have been a grandson of t he great king, Ramesses II. That may have been reason enough, consideri ng that every other king of the 20th Dynasty took Ramesses as part of the ir names, wishing to emulate the success of their notable predecessor. Ho wever, whether he was Ramesses II's grandson or not, judging by his bir th name (Setnakhte), which makes reference to Seth who was revered by t he 19th Dynasty kings, there must surely have been some family connecti on with that earlier period. The last four pages of the Papyrus Harris I tell us that Senakhte ro se to power and put down the rebellions fermented by Asiatics, telli ng us that it was he would relieved the besieged cities of Egypt, bought b ack those who had gone into hiding and reopened the temples and restored t heir revenue. His stela at Elephantine also relates that he expelled rebe ls who, on their flight, left behind the gold, silver and copper they h ad stolen from Egypt, and with which they had intended to hire reinforceme nts among the Asiatics. In reality, the dynastic change between the 19th and 20th Dynasties may n ot have been as much of a problem as the Papyrus Harris makes out. Setnakh te seems to have kept Hori son of Kama in office as Viceroy of Kush (a kin gdom in Nubia), who was originally appointed to that position during the r eign of Siptah. Another Hori, who was a vizier, was also apparently allow ed to remain in office. Setnakhte's reign was short, perhaps only two or three years and he may ha ve come to the throne fairly late in life. He was the father of Egypt's la st great Egyptian King, Ramesses III by his wife, Tiymerenese. Ramesses I II may have held a short co-regency with his father. Upon his death, Setnakhte was buried with full royal honors. Accordi ng to the Papyrus Harris I, "he was rowed in his king's barge upon the riv er (crossed the Nile to the west bank), and rested in his eternal house we st of Thebes". Though we are not sure of the actual reason, he was buri ed in the tomb that was originally excavated for Queen Twosret (KV14) on t he West bank at Thebes (modern Luxor) in the Valley of the Kings. He may h ave usurped this tomb himself because the tomb that he had originally beg un to construct for himself, KV11, had been abandoned after workers excava ting it broke through into the adjacent tomb of Ameenmesses (KV10). Anoth er possibility is that his son, Ramesses III, usurped KV14 for his fathe r, with the intention of realigning and finishing KV11, where he was burie d, for himself. Alas, Setnakhte's body was not discovered in KV14, but his coffin was fou nd during 1898 in the royal cache in the tomb of Amenhotep II (KV35 ). It is possible that his body was that of an unwrapped and unidentifi ed man discovered on a wooden boat in that tomb. References: Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 History of Ancient Egypt, A Grimal, Nicolas 1988 Blackwell None Stated Monarchs of the Nile Dodson, Aidan 1995 Rubicon Press ISBN 0-948695-20-x Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2 Valley of the Kings Weeks, Kent R. 2001 Friedman/Fairfax ISBN 1-5866-3295- 7
Born/Died ca. 990-927 BCE His actual name was "Hedjkheperre'Setepenre" and he was the first Pharo ah of XXII Dynasty Egypt at Bubastis from 948-927 BCE. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 422. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 881, chart. Shoshenk I was the first king of the Twenty-second Dynasty and ruled for t wenty-one years. His name first appeared in a long inscription found at Ab ydos while he was the 'great chief of the Meshwesh, prince of princes.' H is father was Nemrat, who was the son of the lady Mehetemwaskhe, died a nd Shoshenq asked the king at that time to allow a funerary cult to be bui lt at Abydos in his honor. The king must have been the last Psusennes of t he Twenty-first Dynasty. Shoshenq's son had married Psusennes' daughter, M akare. It is possible that the transition from the Twenty-first to the Twe nty-second Dynasty was a peaceful one. Shoshenq's wife, Kar omat, was t he mother of Osorkon I who was Shoshenk's successor. Shoshenk did consider able building at home in Egypt. He added a new colonnaded forecourt wi th a triumphal gate that formed an extension of the hypostyle hall in t he Amun temple. No work had been done at Karnak since the end of the Ninet eenth Dynasty. He also had a successful campaign against the kingdom of Ju dah and the kingdom of Israel. His tomb is located at Tanis
Born/Died ca. 925-883 BCE He was Great Priest of Amun. Sources: Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.160. Shoshenk II is thought to have been the co-regent during the period betwe en Osorkon I and Takelot I during the Twenty-second Dynasty. His mummy w as found at Tanis in the tomb of Psusennes I. Heqakheperre Shoshenq II was an Egyptian king of the 22nd dynasty of Egypt. He was the only ruler of this Dynasty whose tomb was not plundered by tomb robbers. His final resting place was discovered within Psusennes I's tomb at Tanis by Pierre Montet in March 1939. It contained a large number of jewel-encrusted bracelets and pectorals, along with a beautiful hawkheaded silver coffin and a gold facemask. Montet later discovered the intact tombs of two Dynasty 21 kingsPsusennes I and Amenemopet in February and April 1940 respectively. Shoshenq II's prenomen, Heqakheperre Setepenre, means "The Manifestation of Re rules, Chosen of Re."[ There is a small possibility that Shoshenq II was the son of Shoshenq I. Two bracelets from Shoshenq II's tomb mention king Shoshenq I while a pectoral was inscribed with the title 'Great Chief of the Ma Shoshenq,' a title which Shoshenq I employed under Psusennes II before he became king. These items may be interpreted as either evidence of a possible filial link between the two men or just mere heirlooms. A high degree of academic uncertainty regarding the parentage of this king exists: some scholars today argue that Shoshenq II was actually a younger son of Shoshenq I--who outlived Osorkon I and Takelot I--due to the discovery of the aforementioned items naming the founder of the 22nd Dynasty within his intact royal Tanite tomb. As Karl Jansen-Winkeln observes in a recent 2005 book on Egyptian chronology: "The commonly assumed identification of this king with the (earlier) HP and son of Osorkon I does not appear to be very probable." A forensic examination of Shoshenq II's body by Dr. Douglas Derry, head of Cairo Museum's anatomy department, reveals that he was a man in his fifties when he died. Hence, Shoshenq II could have survived beyond both Osorkon I and Takelot I's combined 48 year reign and ruled Egypt for a short while before Takelot I came to power since Manetho's Epitome claims that 3 Kings intervened between Osorkon I and Takelot I. However, Manetho's suggested position for these three kings cannot be presently verified and some writers have suggested they instead ruled in the interregnum between Takelot I and Osorkon II. One of these poorly known rulers must be the mysterious Tutkheperre Shoshenq who was an early Dynasty 22 ruler since he is now monumentally attested in both Lower and Upper Egypt at Bubastis and Abydos respectively.; a second king would be Shoshenq II himself. Evidence that Shoshenq II was a short-lived predecessor of Osorkon II is indicated by the fact that his hawk-headed coffin is stylistically similar to "a hawk-headed lid" which enclosed the granite coffin of king Harsiese A, from Medinet Habu. This implies that Shoshenq II and Harsiese A were close contemporaries since Harsiese A was the son of the High Priest of Amun Shoshenq C at Thebes and the grandson of Osorkon I. Harsiese A was therefore a contemporary of Osorkon II who was also a grandson of Osorkon I. Harsiese's funerary evidence places Shoshenq II roughly two generations after Osorkon I and dates him to the brief interval between Takelot I and Osorkon I at Tanis. In this case, the objects naming Shoshenq I in this king's tomb would simply be heirlooms, rather than proof of an actual filial relation between Shoshenq I and II. This interpretation is endorsed by Jürgen von Beckerath, in his 1997 book, Chronologie des Pharaonischen Ägypten who believes Shoshenq II was actually an elder brother of Takelot I. The view that Shoshenq II was a son of Takelot I is also endorsed by Norbert Dautzenberg in a GM 144 paper. Von Beckerath instead places Shoshenq II between Takelot I and Osorkon II, and gives him an independent reign of 2 years at Tanis. Kenneth Kitchen, in his latest 1996 edition of 'The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (c.1100650 BC)', maintains that Shoshenq II was the High Priest of Amun Shoshenq C, son of Osorkon I and Queen Maatkare, who was appointed as the junior coregent to the throne but predeceased his father. Kitchen suggests such a coregency is reflected on the bandages of the Ramesseum mummy of Nakhtefmut, which contain the dates "Year 3 [Blank]" and "Year 33 Second Heb Sed" respectively. The Year 33 date mentioned here almost certainly refers to Osorkon I since Nakhtefmut wore a ring which bore this king's prenomen. Kitchen infers from this evidence that Year 33 of Osorkon I is equivalent to Year 3 of Shoshenq II, and that the latter was Shoshenq C himself. Unfortunately, however, the case for a coregency between Osorkon I and Shoshenq II is unproven because there is no clear evidence that the Year 3 and Year 33 bandages on Naktefmut's body were made at the same time. These two dates were not written on a single piece of mummy linenwhich would denote a true coregency. Rather, the dates were written on two separate and unconnected mummy bandages which were likely woven and used over a period of several years, as the burial practices of the Amun priests show. A prime example is the Mummy of Khonsmaakheru in Hamburg which contains separate bandages dating to Years 11, 12, and 23 of Osorkon Ior a minimum period of 12 Years between their creation and final use. (Altenmüller: 2000) A second example is the mummy of Djedptahiufankh, the Third or Fourth Prophet of Amun, which bears various bandages from Years 5, 10, and 11 of Shoshenq I, or a spread of six years in their final use for embalming purposes. As these two near contemporary examples show, the temple priests simply reused whatever old or recycled linens which they could gain access to for their mummification rituals. The Year 3 mummy linen would, hence, belong to the reign of Osorkon's successor. Secondly, none of the High Priest Shoshenq C's own childrenthe priest Osorkon whose funerary papyrus, P. Denon C, is located in the Russian National Library in St. Petersburg or a second priest named Harsiese (likely king Harsiese A) who dedicated a Bes statue in memory of his father, now in Durham Museumgive royal titles to their father on their own funerary objects. The priest Osorkon only calls himself the "son of the High Priest Shoshenq", rather than the title "King's Son" in his funerary papyri, which would presumably have been created long after his father's death. On Harsiese, Jacquet-Gordon notes that "there is no good evidence to suggest that the 1st prophet Shoshenq C ever claimed or was accorded royal rank." She observes that Harsiese designated his father as a High Priest of Amun on a Bes statue without any accompanying royal name or prenomen and stresses that if Shoshenq C "had [even] the slightest pretensions to royal rank, his son would not have omitted to mention this fact. We must therefore conclude that he had no such pretensions." This implies that the High Priest Shoshenq C was not king Shoshenq II. While Shoshenq C's name is indeed written in a cartouche on the Bes statue, no actual royal name or prenomen is ever given. An example of a king's son who enclosed his name in a cartouche on a monument but never inherited the throne was Wadjmose, a son of the New Kingdom king Thutmose I. More significantly, Shoshenq II's intact burial did not contain a single object or heirloom naming Osorkon I--an unlikely situation if Osorkon did indeed bury his own son. As Kitchen notes, this king's burial goods included a pectoral that was originally inscribed for the Great Chief of the Ma Shoshenq Ibefore the latter became kingand "a pair of bracellets of Shoshenq I as king but no later objects." This situation appears improbable if Shoshenq II was indeed Shoshenq C, Osorkon I's son who died and was buried by his father. Other Dynasty 21 and 22 kings such as Amenemopet and Takelot I, for instance, employed grave goods which mentioned their parent's names in their own tombs. This suggests that Heqakheperre Shoshenq II was not a son of Osorkon I but someone else. Since this pharaoh's funerary objects such as his silver coffin, jewel pectorals, and cartonnage all give him the unique royal name Heqakheperre, he was most likely a genuine king of the 22nd Dynasty in his own right, and not just a minor coregent. Jürgen von Beckerath adopts this interpretation of the evidence and assigns Shoshenq II a brief independent reign of 2 Years. The exclusive use of silver for the creation of Shoshenq II's coffin is a potent symbol of his power because in Egypt, silver was more precious than gold since it had to be imported from Asia.[ Dr. Derry's medical examination of Shoshenq II's mummy reveals that the king died as a result of a massive septic infection from a head wound. The final resting place of Shoshenq II was certainly a reburial because he was found interred in the tomb of another king, Psusennes I of the 21st Dynasty. Scientists have found evidence of plant growth on the base of Sheshonq II's coffin which suggests that Shoshenq II's original tomb had become waterlogged; hence, the urgent need to rebury him and his funerary equipment in Psusennes' tomb. As Aidan Dodson writes: "It is abundantly clear that the presence of Shoshenq II within NRT III (Psusennes I's tomb) was the result of a reburial. Apart from the presence of the [king's] coffinettes within an extremely mixed group of secondhand jars, the broken condition of the trough of the king's silver coffin showed that it had received rough handling in antiquity."[ Wikipedia®
Born ca. 1367 BCE Stuart (1) notes the suggestion that Rameses I and possibly Seti I were ma rried to heiresses of the royal family descended from Amenhotep III. A sp ecific marriage for either is not mentioned in the Cambridge history (2 ), although it is not unreasonable. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp. 217-225. Continuation of Additional information on 19th Dynasty A fine stela, of year 3 found in the fortress of Kuban in Lower Nubia, rec ords the successful digging of a well in the land of Ikita where gold w as to be found in large quantities. The King's Son of Cush confirmed the r eport that when gold-workers were sent there, only half of them ever arriv ed; the rest perished of thirst on the way. He added that the well commiss ioned by Sethos I had proved a failure, unlike that in the Wady Abbad ment ioned above. Doubtless the supplies of the precious metal from farther nor th were growing exhausted, whence it became increasingly important to util ize the desert road of the Wady 'Allaki which opened out eastwards from ne ar Kuban. For our purpose, however, this inscription is mainly of intere st as corroborating Ramesses' early appointment as crown-prince and his pa rticipation in all royal enterprises from his very childhood. We are to ld that he served as 'captain of the army when he was a boy in his tenth y ear', not an impossibility in the Orient when understood with the necessa ry qualification. At the very beginning of the reign we have the first Egyptian mention of t he Sherden, pirates who later undoubtedly gave their name to Sardinia, tho ugh at this time they may have been dwelling in a quite different pa rt of the Mediterranean. A stela from Tanis speaks of their having come ' in their war-ships from the midst of the sea, and none were able to sta nd before them'. There must have been a naval battle somewhere near the ri ver-mouths, for shortly afterwards many captives of their race are se en in the Pharaoh's body-guard, where they are conspicuous by their helme ts with horns, their round shields and the great swords with which they a re depicted dispatching the Hittite enemies. Little more than a century la ter, many Sherden are found cultivating plots of their own; these doubtle ss rewards given to them for their military services. But they were not t he only foreigners whom Ramesses II was apt to use in this way. A litera ry papyrus, reflecting the conditions of his reign, describes an expeditio nary force of 5,000 out of which, besides 520 Sherden, there were thrice t hat number of Libyans belonging to the tribes of the Kehek and Meshwesh, t ogether with 880 Nubians. Most of these were, doubtless, prisoners of w ar or the children of sun, for there is no evidence that mercenaries we re employed at this time, as is often erroneously stated. A great trial of strength between Egypt and the Hitites could not be delay ed. Ramose was ambitious to repeat his father's successes in northern Syri a, and Muwatallis, the grandson of Suppiluliumas, was determined to upho ld the many treaties that had been made with the petty princes of that rei gn. The first 'Campaign of Victory', as large-scale Asiatic expeditions we re termed in the Egyptian records, took place in year 4, when Ramesses l ed his troops along the coast of Palestine as far north as the Nahr el-Ke lb ('Dog-river')a few miles beyond Beyrut, where he caused a stela, now il legible except for the date, to be carved facing the sea. To the followi ng year belongs the mighty struggle in which Ramesses performed a person al feat of arms that he never tired of proclaiming to his subjects on t he temple-walls built by him. The story is told in two separate narrativ es which usefully supplement one another and are illustrated by sculptur ed reliefs accompanied by verbal explanations. What was at first kno wn to Egyptologists as the Poem of Pentaur is a long and flowery inscripti on now described simply as the 'Poem', though it is no more of a poem th an many another historical record from other reigns. The attribution to Pe ntaur was dropped when it was recognized that he was merely the scribe res ponsible for a particular copy preserve in a papyrus shared by the Louv re and the British Museum. The text, often defective in the individual hie roglyphic examples, has been reconstructed from eight duplicates in the te mples of Karnak, Luxor, Abydos, and the 'Ramesseum, while the shorter vers ion known as the 'Report' or the 'Bulletin' has been similarly edited fr om the same temples, except that it is not found at Karnak but exists in t he great sanctuary of Abu Simbel. Ramesses and his army crossed the Egyptian frontier at Sile in the spri ng of his fifth year, and just a month's marching brought him to a command ing height overlooking the stronghold of Kadesh from a distance of abo ut 15 miles. Kadesh, now Tell Neby Mend, lies in the angle formed by the n orthward flowing Orontes and a small tributary entering from the west, a nd as already stated, its great strategic importance was due to its positi on near the exit from the high-level valley between the Lebanons called t he Bika'. Along this valley every north-bound army had necessarily to pa ss if it was to avoid the narrow route, intersected by rivermouths, alo ng the Phoenician coast. Kadesh had, as we have seen, been captured by Set hos I, but had since fallen into Hittite hands. This was Ramesses's obvio us objective and the place which gave its name to the great battle abo ut to be fought. The Egyptian army was divided into four divisions of whi ch those bearing the names of Amun , Pre', and Sutekh have been encounter ed on the stela of Sethos from Beisan, while the fourth, named after Pt ah of Memphis, appears here for the first time. Ramesses having passed t he night on the afore-mentioned hilltop south of Kadesh made an early sta rt next morning, doubtless hoping to have captured the fortress-town befo re dusk. At the head of the division of Amun he descended some 600 fe et to the ford of the Orontes just south of Shabtuna, this evidently the m odern Ribla. Either before or immediately after crossing the river, two Be douins were brought to him who, on being questioned, declared that they h ad been with the Hittite king, but that they wished to desert to the Phara oh. They also stated that the Hittites were still far away in the la nd of Khaleb (Aleppo) to the north of Tunip. Misled by this information Ra messes and his body-guard pushed ahead of the rest of the army, and beg an to set up camp to the north-west of the fortress-city some 6 or 7 mil es from the ford. Obviously the wise course would have been to wait unt il the rest of his army had reached the left bank, so that all could ha ve been to wait until the rest of his army had reached the left bank, so t hat all could have advance together. Instead of this Ramesses placed a dis tance of some miles between himself and the division of Pre', while the di vision of Ptah was even farther back. The division of Sutekh was so far aw ay, that it could play no part in the battle and is not heard of agai n. It was not until the king was seated upon his golden throne, in his fin al camping-place, that the unwelcome truth dawned upon him. They had pass ed round to the south of the town, forded the river, and cut their way thr ough the division of Pre'. Immediately Ramesses dispatched his vizier to h asten the arrival of the division of Ptah, which as yet had barely disenga ged itself from the forest of Robawi. A message was sent to the royal chil dren to flee behind the palisade of shields surrounding the still unfinish ed camp and to keep clear of the fight. At this point in the two narrativ es Ramesses's desire for self-glorification takes the upper-hand, and h is personal prowess is dwelt upon at great length. He describes himse lf as deserted by his whole army and surrounded by the vast host of the Hi ttites, whose king had collected for his crowning enterprise auxiliaries f orm so far west as the Ionian coast and from his principal neighbors in As ia Minor. There is much more in this strain before it is told how His Majesty rout ed the foe single-handed, hurling them into the Orontes. What actually hap pened? It cannot be doubted that the Egyptian king did display valor on th is momentous occasion, but both the 'Report' and the sculptured scenes sug gest that what saved Ramesses was the arrival, in the nick of time, of t he youthful troops that had been mentioned earlier as stationed in the la nd of Amor. Perhaps we should think of them as coming up from the neighbor hood of Tripoli along the road crossed by the Eleutheros river. At all eve nts, they attacked the Hittites in the rear and completed their conques t. The Egyptian sources mention by name a number of prominent Hittites w ho were either drowned in the river or trodden underfoot by Ramesses's hor ses. Among them a brother of the Hittite king, who himself is describ ed as taking no part in the fight, but cowering somewhere in the backgroun d. Finally, the 'Poem' reports the arrival of a letter in which the Hitti te ruler praises the Pharaoh's valor in the most exaggerated terms and en ds with the words 'Better is Peace than War; give the breath (of life)'. U nhappily the Boghazkoy tablets tell a very different tale. On one of the se Khattusilis, Muwatallis's brother and successor, recalling the even ts of earlier years, relates how Ramesses was conquered and retreated to t he land of Aba near Damascus, only to be replaced there by himself as rege nt. From another tablet we learn that Amor, which had perhaps been subje ct to the Egyptian power since the time of Sethos, now fell to Muwatalli s, who replaced its king by one of his own choice. However, if the Egypti an reliefs are to be trusted, after the Kadesh episode, Ramesses enjoy ed a number of military successes. In year 8 he reduced a whole seri es of Palestinian fortresses including Dapur in the land of Amor, thou gh he had also been obliged to storm Ashkelon not far from the Egyptian bo rder. There is also talk of an occasion when in fighting against a Hitti te town in the territory of Tunip, he had not even troubled to don his cor set. Whatever the exact truth of all these warlike proceedings, everythi ng pointed to the necessity of ending a conflict profitable to neither sid e, and we shall see that this necessity was fully realized a few years lat er. It was found politic to cement the friendship between the two great powe rs of the time in other ways as well, and a lively correspondence spra ng up between the two Courts. The Boghazkoy fragments include congratulati ons on the conclusion of the peace treaty addressed to Khattusilis by Rame sses's chief wife, Nofretari, by his mother Tuia, and by his son Sethikhop shef. At least eighteen letters from Ramesses himself have survived, thou gh mostly in a poor state of preservation, and a very curious and interest ing fact has revealed itself: almost identically worded tablets were se nt not only to Khattusilis, but also Pudukhipa his queen. Evidently the Hi ttite queen played a much more important political role that the Que en of Egypt, influential and prominent though the latter was in all oth er respects. Much of the letter-writing between the two monarchs turns up on a marriage arranged between Ramesses and a daughter of Khattusilis. Th is union actually took place in year 34, when the princess was broug ht to Egypt and there given the name Mahornefrure' or Manefrure'. The sto ry is told in a great inscription of which copies were exposed to the publ ic view at Karnak, Elephantine, Abu Simbel, and Amarna, and doubtless in o ther temples as well. It is difficult to imagine a less complimentary w ay in which relations with a friendly foreign sovereign could be presente d. More than half of the hieroglyphic text is devoted to fulsome eulogi es of the Pharaoh. When at last the submissive author embarks upon a narra tive of facts, the account which he gives runs roughly as follows: the Syr ian princes had been in the habit of sending yearly tribute to the Egypti an king, not even withholding their own children. Only Khatti held aloo f, so that Ramesses found himself compelled to exact compliance by for ce of arms. Years of poverty ensued for Khatti, until its king decid ed to make overtures to his victorious enemy. Stress is laid on the difficulties of the journey and of the many mountai ns and narrow defiles through which the travelers had to pass. When the Ph araoh, for his part, realized the necessity of sending troops to welcome t he princess and her assemblage, he feared the rain and snow usual in Pales tine and Syria in time of winter. For this reason he made a great feast f or his father the god Sutekh praying him to endow mild weather, a mirac le which actually occurred. The arrival in Egypt was the occasion for gre at rejoicing, the representation of both nations eating and drinking toget her and 'being of one heart like brothers, and there being no rancor of o ne towards the other'. Happily the Hittite maiden's beauty found fav or in Ramesses's sight, and she was quickly raised to the position of King 's Great Wife; if the wonderful statue of her royal husband is the Turin M useum tells the truth they must have been a handsome pair. By a strange ch ance, we have evidence that this alien spouse was sometimes taken to the h arem kept by the sovereign at Miwer, a town at the entrance to the Fayyu m. A scrap of papyrus found by Petrie lists garments and linen belongi ng to her wardrobe. Though this foreign alliance was by no means, as we have seen, unique in E gyptian history and may indeed even have been repeated later in the same r eign, yet it was long remembered, doubtless on account of the outstandi ng importance of the contracting parties. A fine stela in the Louvre, whi ch was formerly held to narrate a kind of sequel, is now recognized as a l ater fiction intended to enhance the prestige of the Theban god Chon s. It tells how the younger sister of Ramesses II's Hittite queen--here, h owever, described as the daughter of the king of a remote country called B akhtan--was possessed by an evil spirit, and how a messenger was dispatch ed to Egypt to seek medical help. After the skilled physician, Dhutemha b, failed to effect a cure, an image of Chons himself was sent and quick ly exorcised the evil spirit. Whether this unhistoric narrative was the pr oduct of Ptolemaic times or earlier, its substance is truly Egyptian in ch aracter, and recalls the sending of the Ishtar of Nineveh to heal Amenoph is III. So proud was Ramesses II of his extensive progeny that it would be wro ng to omit all reference to the long enumerations of his sons and daughte rs to be read on the walls of his temples. At Wady es-Sebua in Lower Nub ia over a hundred princes and princesses were named, but the many lacun ae make it impossible to compute the exact figure. From several templ es it is clear that the eldest son was Amenhiwenamef, but his mother is un known and he evidently died early. It will be recalled that Sethos I provi ded his youthful co-regent with a large number of concubines, and these wi ll have been responsible for the vast majority of children about whom noth ing more is heard. The most highly honored were naturally those born to Ra messes II by his successive King's Great Wives. Queen Isinofre was the mot her of four who were depicted together with her and her husband. Foremo st among them is Ramesse, at a given moment the crown prince, but it was h is younger brother Merenptah, the thirteenth in the Ramesseum list, who su rvived to succeed his father. Another son who perhaps never had pretensio ns to the throne was Kha'emwise, the high-priest (setem) of Ptah at Memphi s. He gained great celebrity as a learned man and magician, and was rememb ered right down to Graeco-Roman times. It was doubtless in that capacity t hat he was charged with the organization of his father's earliest Sed-fest ivals from the first I year 30 down to the fifth in year 42. Ramesses II l ived to celebrate twelve or even thirteen in all. A daughter of Isinofr e, who bore the Syrian name of Bint-anat, is of interest for a special rea son: she received the title King's Great Wife during her father's lifetim e. We cannot overlook the likelihood that she served at least temporari ly as his companion. Even more frequent are the references to Queen Nofret ari-mery-en-Mut, the Naptera of an already mentioned Baghazkoy letter. S he is familiar to Egyptologists as the owner of the magnificently paint ed tomb in the Valley of the Queens on the west of Thebes. This hencefort h, the burial-place of many females of the Ramesside royal family. Ramess es II himself had a tomb at Biban el-Moluk no doubt once as large and fi ne as that of Sethos I, but now closed owing to its dangerous condition. T he great king's mummy suffered a fate similar to that of so many of his pr edecessors, finally finding its way to the cache at Der el-Bahri. Until mo ved to the mausoleum at Cairo, his corpse could still be seen as th at of a shrivelled-up old man with a long narrow face, massive jaw, and pr ominent nose, conspicuous also for his admirably well-preserved teeth.
Born/Died ca. 1100-1043 BCE Hedjkheperresetepenre Nesbaneb-Djedet Smedes was an official during the reign of Ramesses XI of the 20th Dynast y. Smedes began his rule in Tanis. There he was the high priest of Amon a nd the viceroy of Lower Egypt. Hrihor was also a high priest of Amon and t he viceroy of Upper Egypt. Together these two kept Ramesses XI in seclusi on on his estates. Upon the death of Ramesses, Smedes and Hrihor divided E gypt among them, which started the Twenty-first Dynasty. As a native of Dj ede, Smedes could have no personal right to the throne. The only reco rd of Smedes' reign is a damaged inscription on a pillar in a quarry at Ge belen.
Source: My lines by Robert Brian Stewart, http://homepages.rootsweb.com/~c ousin/html/d0005/g0000590.html#I6240 His tomb, and that in which his wife Nubkhas was buried as well, was o ne of the first to have been found desecrated by the official inspecti on of royal tombs conducted by the XX Dynasty. Born ca. 1685 BCE. died ca. 1622, married ca, 1661.
Born/Died ca. 875-825 BCE His name was "Hejd.kheper.re'Setep.en.re" and he was Pharoah of Egypt at B ubastis (XXII Dynasty) from about 850 to 825 BC. Some sources show h im as a son of Osorkon II. Dodson (3) notes his origins as being unkno wn except that he was probably descended from the earlier pharoahs of t he XXII dynasty and probably also the XXI dynasty. His lineage would therefore be similar to t hat of Harsiese, who is one of the persons who was possibly Takelot's fath er and whose son he is shown as here. Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 420. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp.882, chart. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.165-166. 4. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.160. Takelot II was the sixth king of the Twenty-second Dynasty. He was the fat her to the high priest of Amun, Osorkon. This Osorkon was responsible f or the longest inscription on the Bubastite Gate. According to his inscrip tion, during the fifteenth year of Takelot's reign, there was warfare in t he North and South and a great convulsion broke out in the land. The remai ns of Takelot II were found in a usurped sarcophagus from the Middle Kingd om in Tanis. His Canopic jars and ushabti-figures were found with him as w ell. Hedjkheperre Setepenre Takelot II Si-Ese was a pharaoh of the Twenty-Third Dynasty of Ancient Egypt in Middle and Upper Egypt (840 815 BC). He has been identified as the High Priest of Amun Takelot F, son of the High Priest of Amun Nimlot C at Thebes and, thus, the son of Nimlot C and grandson of king Osorkon II according to the latest academic research. Most Egyptologists today including Aidan Dodson, Gerard Broekman, Jürgen von Beckerath, M.A. Leahy and Karl Jansen-Winkeln accept David Aston's hypothesis that Shoshenq III was Osorkon II's actual successor at Tanis, rather than Takelot II. As Aidan Dodson and Dyan Hilton write in their comprehensive book on the Royal Families of Ancient Egypt: Takelot II is likely to have been identical with the High Priest Takelot F, who is stated in [the] Karnak inscriptions to have been a son of Nimlot C, and whose likely period of office falls neatly just before Takelot II's appearance. Takelot II rather ruled a separate kingdom that embraced Middle and Upper Egypt, distinct from the Tanite Twenty-second Dynasty who only controlled Lower Egypt. Takelot F, the son and successor of the High Priest of Amun Nimlot C, served for a period of time under Osorkon II as a High Priest of Amun before he proclaimed himself as king Takelot II in the final three regnal years of Osorkon II. This situation is attested by the relief scenes on the walls of Temple J at Karnak which was dedicated by Takelot F in his position as High Priest to Osorkon II, who is depicted as the celebrant and king. All the documents which mention Takelot II Si-Ese and his son, Osorkon B, originate from either Middle or Upper Egypt (none from Lower Egypt) and a royal tomb at Tanis which named a king Hedjkheperre Setepenre Takelot along with a Year 9 stela from Bubastis are now recognised as belonging exclusively to Takelot I. While both Takelot I and II used the same prenomen, Takelot II added the epithet Si-Ese ("Son of Isis") to his royal titulary both to affiliate himself with Thebes and to distinguish his name from Takelot I. The Crown Prince Osorkon Takelot II controlled Middle and Upper Egypt during the final 3 Years of Osorkon II and the first 2 decades of Shoshenq III. The majority of Egyptologists today concede that king Osorkon III was the illustrious "Crown Prince and High Priest Osorkon B," son of Takelot II. A misunderstanding arose over his identity because in the Crown Prince's famous Chronicle, which was carved on the Bubastite Portal at Karnak, Osorkon dates his actions by both the regnal years of Takelot II (years 11 through 24) with a short year 25 left unmentioned and then by those of the Tanite king, Shoshenq III (from regnal years 22 through 29). While Kenneth Kitchen has interpreted this to mean that Shoshenq III succeeded Takelot II at Tanis, in fact Takelot II and Shoshenq III were likely close contemporaries because immediately after the death of his father in year 25 of Takelot II, Osorkon B started dating his activities to year 22, and not year 1, of Shoshenq III onwards. Consequently, there was never a two decade long break in Osorkon B's struggle to regain control of Thebes (from Year 1 to Year 22 of Sheshonq III) as Kitchen's chronology implies because year 25 of Takelot II is equivalent to year 22 of Sheshonq III. Osorkon B did not immediately ascend to his father's throne presumably because he was involved in a prolonged civil war with his rival Pedubast I and, later, Shoshenq VI, for control of Thebes. Instead, he merely dated his activities to the serving Dynasty 22 Pharaoh at Tanis: Shoshenq III. The Crown Prince Osorkon B was not outmaneuvered to the throne of Tanis by Shoshenq III because both men ruled over separate kingdoms with the 22nd Dynasty controlling Lower Egypt, and Takelot II/Osorkon B ruling over most of Upper Egypt from Herakleopolis Magna to Thebes, where they are monumentally attested. In 1983, a donation stela was discovered by Japanese excavators (Heian Museum 1983) at Tehna which reveals that Osorkon III was once a High Priest of Amun himself. This person can only be the well-known High Priest Osorkon B since no other Theban High Priests named Osorkon are known until the reign of Takelot III half a century later when the latter's son Osorkon F served in this office. Theban Uprising and Conflict In Year 11 of Takelot II, an insurrection began under Pedubast I whose followers challenged this king's authority at Thebes. Takelot reacted by dispatching his son, Osorkon B, to sail southwards to Thebes and quell the uprising. Osorkon B succeeded in retaining control of the city and then proclaimed himself as the new High Priest of Amun. Some of the rebel's bodies were deliberately burned by Osorkon to permanently deny their souls any hope of an afterlife. However, just four years later, in year 15 of Takelot II, a second major revolt broke out and this time Osorkon B's forces were expelled from Thebes by Pedubast I. This caused a prolonged period of turmoil and instability in Upper Egypt as a prolonged struggle broke out between the competing factions of Takelot II/Osorkon B and Pedubast I/Shoshenq VI for control of Thebes. This conflict would last for 27 long years from Year 15 to Year 25 of Takelot II and then from Year 22 to Year 39 of Shoshenq III when Osorkon B finally defeated his enemies and conquered this great city. Osorkon B proclaimed himself as king Osorkon III sometime after his victory. On other matters, the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon B, which is carved on the Bubastis Portal at Karnak, records Osorkon's activities between regnal years 11 and 24 of his father and then from regnal years 22 through 29 of Shoshenq III. However, Takelot II's brief 25th year is attested by a donation stela made by his son in his position as High Priest at Thebes shortly before Takelot died. As of 2007 no tomb or final resting place has been found for Takelot. Marriages and children Takelot II married his sister and Great Royal Wife Karomama Merymut II; they were the parents of Osorkon B, the High Priest of Amun at Thebes that later became king Osorkon III, and king Sheshonq III. He also married his aunt Tjesbastperu, daughter of Osorkon II; they were the parents of Djed-Bast-Es-Ankh, the Great Royal Wife of Shoshenq III. Wikipedia®
Born ca. 1610 BCE He was the 14th king of the Theban 17th Dynasty - which was ruling alongsi de the 15 and 16th Hyksos Dynasties. A period of began between the co-ruli ng dynasties and Egypt plunged into civil war when Sequenenre Tao II recei ved a message from Apophis ruler of the Hyksos (writing from his Delta cap ital Avaris) complaining that he could not sleep at night because the Hipp opotami in the sacred pool at Thebes were keeping him awake with their sno ring. An insult was taken and so began the campaign to remove the 'foreign ers' from Egypt. Sequenere Tao II died soon after starting the campaign against the Hyks os kings, he was followed by his son Kamose who continued the action. B ut it was a younger son, Ahmose I, who eventually succeeded in defeating t he Hyksos, drove them from Egypt and began Egypt's glorious 18th Dynasty. Sequenenre-Tao II was found in what was most probably his original coffi n, the style is consistent with that dating to the 17th Dynasty. The surfa ce of the coffin had originally been gilded, but all gold had been scrapp ed off by robbers. Although only one coffin remains, the king would most c ertainly have been buried within a nest of coffins. The mummy was in a mu ch worse state - when the mummy was originally examined it was fou nd to be a very badly damaged, disarticulated skeleton, also '... a stro ng odour, a rather foul, oily smell' came from the mummy. The state of Seq uenenre's mummy may be due to the way he died - his skull shows that he m et a very violent death - at least five seperate wounds are clearly visibl e. His body had not been straighten out in the customary position - whi ch has been taken to mean that he died and was embalmed on the field of ba ttle. Additional information on the Second Intermediate Period Since the passage of Time shows no break in continuity, nothing but some m omentous event or sequence of events can justify a particular reign bei ng regarded as inaugurating an era. What caused Sobeknofru, or Sobeknofrur e' as later sources call her, to be taken as closing Dyn. XII will doubtle ss never be known. But the Turin Canon, the Saqqara king-list, and Manet ho are unanimous on the point. The Abydos list jumps straight from Ammenem es IV to the first king of Dyn.XVIII. The date of Amosis I, the found er of Dyn. XVIII, being fixed with some accuracy, the interval from 17 86 to 1575 BC must be accepted as the duration of the Second Intermedia te Period. This is an age the problems of which are even more intractab le than those of the First. Before entering upon details, it will be we ll to note that the general pattern of these two dark periods is roughly t he same. Both begin with a chaotic series of insignificant native ruler s. In both, intruders from Palestine cast their shadow over the Delta a nd even into the Valley. Also in both, relief comes at last from a hardy r ace of Theban princes, who after quelling internal dissension expel the fo reigner and usher in a new epoch of immense power and prosperity. Some account has already been given of the formidable difficulties here co nfronting us, but these must now be discussed at length. As usual we sta rt with Manetho. The THIRTEENTH DYNASTY according to him, was Diospolite ( Theban) and consisted of sixty kings who reigned for 453 years. The FOURTE ENTH DYNASTY counted seventy-six kings from Xois, the modern Sakha in t he central Delta, with a total of 184 or, as an alternative reading, 484 y ears. For Dyns. XV to XVII there is divergence between Africanus and Euseb ius, while a much simpler account is preserved by the Jewish historian Jos ephus in what purports to be a verbatim extract from Manetho's own writin g. For our present purpose the data supplied by Africanus must suffice. H is FIFTEENTH DYNASTY consists of six foreign so-called 'Sheperd' or Hyks os kings, whose domination lasted 284 years. The SIXTEENTH DYNASTY consist ed of Shepherd kings again, thirty-two in number totaling 518 years. Lastl y, in the SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY Shepherd kings and Theban kings reigned conc urrently, forty-three of each line altogether 151 years. Adding these figu res, but adopting the lower number of years given for Dyn. XIV, we obta in 217 kings covering a stretch of 1590 years, over seven times the durati on to which acceptance of the Sothic date in the El-Lahun papyrus has comm itted us. To abandon 1786 BC as the year when Dyn. XII ended would be to c ast adrift from our only firm anchor, a course that would have serious con sequences for the history, not of Egypt alone, but of the entire Middle Ea st. Of the three monumental king-lists that of Karnak alone enumerates rule rs of the period. In its undamaged state it may have mentioned as ma ny as thirty, about half that number being authenticated by actual remain s, building blocks, stelae, or the like, mostly from the Theban area. Unfo rtunately these names are interspersed among those of Old or Middle Kingd om kings in so disorderly a fashion that not trustworthy sequence is obtai nable. The Turin Canon, despite its fragmentary condition, is a sour ce of great value. As remounted by Ibscher, the papyrus fragments distribu te the kings from Dyn. XIII until far down in the direction of Dyn. XVI II over no less than six columns, each containing up to thirty entrie s. It would be unwise, however, to assume that the manuscript, when intac t, named as many as 180 distinct kings. Columns 10 and 11 are somewhat dou btful quantities, and some of the names mentioned in them, as well as in c olumn 9, have a very suspect appearance. Not more than about sixty names a re still sufficiently well preserved to make their identity certain, on ly about a third of these being authenticated by external monuments. On t he other hand, the monuments acquaint us with a considerable number of nam es which must belong to this period but for one reason or another--so me no doubt on account of the Canon's defective condition--are not to be f ound in that document. Immense labor has been devoted to collecting this m aterial, and to seeking to place the different reigns in correct chronolog ical order. For this purpose the style of the scarabs found bearing roy al cartouches, the appearance and structure of the names themselves, and o ther evidence equally tenuous, have all been employed. When all is said a nd done the results have been of a hypothetical character ill calculat ed to commend itself to any but the most venturesome scholars. Here we wi ll content ourselves with little more than a scrutiny of the Turin Canon i tself. Indubitably the Ramesside compiler believed himself able to prese nt the hundred or so kings known to him in a single continuous series, wi th the exact length of each reign correctly stated. The number of yea rs is preserved in some twenty-nine cases, these totaling in all 153 yea rs without counting the odd months and days. Included in that total are s ix kings (mostly to be named hereafter) whose reign in each instance excee ds ten years, amounting together to 101 years, though the reading of the n umerals is not always as certain as one could wish. This leaves for the re maining twenty-three kings a sum of no more than fifty-two years, an avera ge of little more than two years apiece. It is conspicuous that in the ra re occurrences of dated monuments the date is more often than not in the f irst, second, or third year. Remembering the contention that in Egypt prol onged length of reign is a sure indication of the country's prosperit y, we can now maintain the converse and argue that during the period whi ch in the Turin Canon corresponds to Manetho's Dyns. XIII and XIV the la nd was in a state of dire havoc and confusion, its rulers murdering and re placing one another with extreme rapidity. In two, if not three, cases t he Canon mentions a kingless interval, in one case of six years' duratio n. On four occasions a formula is found which Ed. Meyer without solid grou nd interpreted as marking the advent of a new dynasty, but twice there occ ur words summing up a preceding one' of far greater interest than the isol ated '[Total], five kings....' in II. 15 is an unnumbered fragment known a lready to Seyffarth and rediscovered by Botti, which Ibscher and Farina pl aced in the middle of column 10. Immediately following a line which mu st be restored as '[Chieftain of a foreign country] Khamudy' comes anoth er giving '[Total, chieftains of ] a foreign country, 6, making 108 years '. These are obviously the foreign usurpers referred to by Africanus in co nnection with Manetho's Dyns. XV, XVI, and XVII. But more of them later. H ere we are concerned only with chronology. The entry just quoted practical ly compels us to conclude that the Canon embraced contemporary dynasties r uling in different parts of Egypt, even if the compiler was unaware of t he fact. For when 108 years are subtracted from the 211 which are all th at can be allowed for the Second Intermediate Period, we find a hundr ed or more kings huddled into little more than a century, which is, of cou rse, absurd and becomes still more so when account is taken of the above-m entioned 101 years assigned to six reigns. It follows that the 108 yea rs of the Hyksos rulers cannot be subtracted in this way, and must ref er to domination somewhere in the Delta. The alternative, therefore, whi ch all recent Egyptologists accept, is that the Canon's enumeration compri sed many kings existing simultaneously, but presumably in widely distant p arts of the country. Manetho, as may be seen from his reference to Xois, w as not entirely unaware of the fact, though he too regarded his dynasti es as consecutive. Unhappily is only seldom that a king of the Turin li st can be pinned down to a restricted area. Perhaps the dynast who took t he Nomen of Mermesha 'the General' held sway only in the extreme north. Ou tside the Canon he is known only from two statues found at Tanis, and t he like may be true of Nehasy 'the Nubian' who despite his name seems to h ave belonged to the Delta. It is possibly significant that nearly ha lf of the kings of column 6 have left monuments or fragments in Upper Egyp t. Only very few have been found of the kings of the remaining column s. It will be seen how sadly, in discussing matters such as these, we a re reduced to guessing. Much ingenious argument has been used in the attempt to group the kin gs of the period differently from the way in which the Turin Canon presen ts them. It would be unjust to dismiss all such hypotheses as failures. B ut nowhere apparently has its ordering of names been definitely prov ed at fault. In the observations that follow the sequence of the Can on is accepted only for the lack of one more solidly founded. The re is no doubt, at all events, about the first two rulers of Dyn. XIII. Th ey are respectively Sekhemre'-khutowe and Sekhemkare', the last kin gs to be mentioned in the El-Lhun papyri, and the last in whose reigns lev els of the Nile were recorded at Semna. Between them they ruled no more th an ten years, after which came the already mentioned kingless gap of six y ears. That both exerted their authority over the entire land from the Fayy um to the Second Cataract and beyond is clear, and the facts that the fir st of the two took the name Amenemhe-Sebehotpe as his Nomen, and that t he second may have adopted Amenemhe-sonbef as his, show how desperately th ey clung to the hope of being recognized as legitimate successors of Dy n. XII. This hope is even more pathetically exhibited in the Nomen of S'an khibre', the sixth king of the dynasty, who could be satisfied with nothi ng less pompous than the name Ameny-Inyotef-Amenemhe. Immediately precedi ng him was an upstart with the very plebeian Prenomen Afnai ('He is mine ') and half a dozen places later there occurs another ruler with the equal ly plebeian name Rensonb--he held the throne for no more than four month s. It is remarkable that as many as six kings of the period chose for them selves the Nomen Sobekhotep 'Sobk is satisfied', with a reference to the c rocodile-god of the Fayyum first honored in a cartouche by Queen Sobeknofr u. Later on, in what we shall find convenient to describe as Dyn. XVII, ki ngs and queens bearing the name of Sobekemsaf ('Sobk is his protection') s how that the crocodile-god was still thought of as somehow connected wi th the monarchy. By that time, however, the link with the Fayyum was broke n, and we discern a tendency to associate the deity with another Crocodilo polis not more than 15 miles south of Thebes. This continuity of nomenclat ure has sometimes been used, and probably rightly, as evidence of the shor tness of the Second Intermediate Period. Other features like the trifli ng changes in art and material remains are equally cogent testimony. At this point we will call a temporary halt to the dreary discussion of t he period's ephemeral king, and turn our attention to a document that tran sports us into the very midst of the vital realities. This is a papyrus di scovered at Dra'Abu 'n-Naga a hundred years ago in the tomb of a scri be of the Royal Harem. It is nothing less than the accounts of the Theb an court extending over twelve days in the third year of one of the Sebekh otpe kings. Here the receipts and distribution of bread, beer, vegetable s, and so forth are meticulously recorded from day to day. Two sourc es of revenue are distinguished. Firstly, there is the fixed income requir ed for the sustenance of the king's womenfolk, officers of state, and so f orth. This was supplied jointly by three departments (wa're), namely, t he Department of the Head of the South, the Office of the People's Givin g, and the Treasury, the first of the three contributing nearly twice as m uch as either of the other two. Secondly, there were very considerable add itions called inu, a term elsewhere used for 'tribute' or 'complimentary g ifts', which were utilized for exceptional purposes such as banquets for t he chief dignitaries and the staff of what is curiously styled 'the Hou se of the Nurses', or else as rewards for special services. The latter ki nd of income, for which the vizier or some other prominent functionary mig ht be responsible, varied from almost as much as the former down to absolu tely nil, so that no generalization can be given as to its amount. On t he other hand, we learn that the daily needs of the royal household demand ed nearly 2, 000 loaves and different kinds of bread and between 60 and 3 00 jugs of beer. Meat seems to have been reserved for special occasion s. A surprising detail is that by the king's command the temple of Amun h ad to supply 100 loaves per diem. The actual amounts distributed varied sl ightly according to the balance brought forward form the previous day. A ll manner of interesting information is obtainable from this fascinating t ext, or would be but for the usual obstacles of ragged condition and diffi culties of decipherment. For instance, there extended over a fortnight t he entertainment of a small body of Medja Nubians, including two chieftai ns later joined by a third, who had come to make their submission. These b arbarians do not seem, however, to have been admitted to a great banqu et in the columnar hall of the palace which counted as many as sixty parti cipants, including the musicians. The queen and the king's sisters were n ot present on this occasion, which was the culmination of the festiv al of the god Mont of Medamud, on the eve of the departure of his visiti ng statue from the capital. All the guests mentioned were males, with t he vizier, the commander of the army, and the overseer of fields at the ir head. Elsewhere mention is made of the reception at the Court of the le ading men of Hermonthis and Cusa, the latter 25 miles north of Asyu r. It is important to note that by this time there is no longer menti on of feudal princedoms or nomes, and that towns are referred to in the ir stead. From her comes the word haty-'o, which earlier has been right ly rendered as 'prince' or 'count', is from now onward best translat ed as 'mayor'. The vizier 'Ankhu, who more than once heads the officials receiving gif ts of food by the royal command, is known from several other sources. O ne is a papyrus in the Brooklyn Museum, where a written command is address ed to him by a king who reigned at least five years. The same papyrus ment ions another who is usually recognized as Sobekhotep III, and who has le ft more memorials of himself than most of the petty rulers of those troubl ed times. The connection between the two references is obscure. Our 'Ank hu figures also on one of two stelae in the Louvre recording the extensi ve restorations made in the temple of Abydos by a priestly personage of th at neighborhood named Amenysonb. This was in the reign of Khendjer, the be arer of a Nomen of outlandish appearance and possibly of foreign origin. N ow Jequier in 1931 identified a small pyramid at Saqqara as belongi ng to a King Khendjer, who unfortunately bore a Prenomen different from th at on the Louvre stela. Were there then two Khendjers, one in the north a nd one in the south? It seems a more probable hypothesis that one and t he same monarch vacillated as regards his Prenomen. The problem is typic al of the difficulties presented by this period. The Saqqara Khendjer is l isted with certainty in the Turin Canon and if, as is believed, Sobekhot ep III was intended by the entry four places farther on we might have t he strange phenomenon of a single vizier holding office during the reig ns of five ephemeral and possibly hostile monarchs. W.C. Hayes has produc ed evidence that throughout Dyn. XIII (roughly column 6 of the Canon) t he Pharaonic capital was still at Lisht, though the Court sometimes mov ed to Thebes. The pyramid above mentioned and the fact that the vizier's s on who assisted Amenysonb in his Abydos operations fared northwards when t he work was finished certainly lend color to this hypothesis. According to the Canon, Sobekhotep III was succeeded by a King Neferhote p, who reigned eleven years. Memorials of him, like those of his predecess or, are relatively numerous. Many rock inscriptions at the First Catara ct appear to attest a visit of his, and a steatite plaque found a Wady Hal fa at least suggests that his influence extended there. Even more interest ing is a relief discovered a far-distant Byblos on the Syrian coast, and d epicting the local prince doing homage to his person. A portrait of him su rvives in a fine statuette in the Bologna Museum. To the student of hierog lyphics, however, the most important relic of his reign is a great stela d iscovered by Mariette at Abydos, and left exposed on the spot on accou nt of its much damaged condition. The general drift is still clear in spi te of the defective copy alone available. It is the second oldest, and qui te the most elaborate, telling them that he wishes to fashion in their tr ue forms statues of the god Osiris and his Ennead and asking them to arran ge for his inspection of the ancient books where such things are recorde d. The courtiers assent with characteristic obsequiousness. An offici al is sent to Abydos to prepare the way. He arranges for Osiris to appe ar in procession in his sacred boat, and then the king himself arrives, pe rsonally supervises the fabrication of the images, and takes part in the m imic destruction of the god's enemies. The rest of the text is devot ed to pious adulation of the deity, and threats to future persons who m ay thwart the remembrance of so great a royal benefactor. This Neferhotep--there seems to have been a second of the name wh om it is impossible to place--was followed by a Sihathor whose tenure of t he throne was only three months. Then came a brother of Neferhotep by t he same non-royal parents, a Kha'neferre' Sobekhotep reckoned as the four th of the name. The length of this king's reign is lost in a lacuna, b ut a stela of the eighth year is known, and he too was evidently a powerf ul monarch to judge from the number of his surviving monuments. It is diff icult to know what to make of a headless statue of him found at the Isla nd of Argo just south of Kerma, more especially since a damaged inscripti on in the British Museum alludes to hostilities in that direction. Can t he enterprise of this Dyn. XIII king have dispatched his agents or soldie rs beyond the Third Cataract? A fifth Sobekhotep is accorded only four yea rs by the Turin Canon, and he was succeeded by a Wahibre'-Iaib with ten ye ars of reign and then by a Merneferre' with as many as twenty-three. Hard ly anything, only a stela, a lintel, and some scarabs remain to commemora te these last two kings. They managed to hold the allegiance of their subj ects for so long, they cannot have been insignificant. After a Merhotep wi th the Nomen Inai known elsewhere only from a stela and a single scarab, d arkness descends upon the historical scene, leaving discernible in the twi light little beyond royal names for which the list of kings at the e nd of this work must be consulted. Our next concern here is with the momen tous question of the rulers known as the Hyksos. Concerning these foreigners the Jewish historian Josephus, in his polem ic Against Apion, claims to quote the actual words of Manetho: Tutimaios. In his reign, for what cause I know not, a blast of God smote u s; and unexpectedly from the regions of the East invaders of obscure ra ce marched in confidence of victory against our land. By main force they e asily seized it without striking a blow. Having overpowered the rule rs of the land, they then burned our cities ruthlessly, razed to the grou nd the temples of the gods, and treated all the natives with cruel hostili ty, massacring some and leading into slavery the wives and children of oth ers. Finally, they appointed as king one of their number whose name was Sa litis. He had his seat at Memphis, levying tribute from Upper and Lower Eg ypt, and always leaving garrisons behind in the most advantageous places.. ..In the Sethroite nome he found a city very favorably situated on the ea st of the Bubastic branch of the Nile, and called Avaris after an ancie nt religious tradition. This place he rebuilt and fortified with massive w alls....After reigning for 19 years Salitis died; and a second king Bnon s ucceeded and reigned for 44 years. next to him came Apachnan, who ruled f or 36 years and 7 months; then Apophis for 61, and Iannas for 50 years a nd 1 month; then finally Assis for 49 years and 2 months. These six king s, their first rulers, were ever more and more eager to extirpate the Egyp tian stock. Their race as a whole was called Hyksos, that is 'king-shepher ds'; for hyk in the sacred language means 'king' and sos in common spee ch is 'sheperd'. Josephus goes on to give from another manuscript a different derivati on of the name Hyksos, according to which it signifies 'captive-shepherds '. The Egyptian hyk being a word for 'captive'. This etymology he prefe rs because he believed, as do many Egyptologists, that the Biblical sto ry of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt and the subsequent Exodus had as i ts source the Hyksos occupation and later expulsion. In point of fact, alt hough there are sound linguistic grounds for both etymologies, neith er is the true one. The word Hyksos undoubtedly derives from the expressi on hikkhase 'chieftain of a foreign hill-country' which from the Middle Ki ngdom onwards was used to designate Bedouin sheiks. Scarabs bearing this t itle, but with the word for 'countries' in the plural, are found with seve ral undoubted Hyksos kings and, as we have seen, the final proof is in t he Turin Canon. It is important to observe, however, that the term refe rs to the rulers alone, and not, as Josephus thought, to the entire rac e. Modern scholars have often erred in this matter, some even implying th at the Hyksos were a particular race of invaders who after conquering Syr ia and Palestine ultimately forced their way into Egypt. Nothing justifi es such a view, even though the actual words of Manetho might seem to supp ort it. It is true enough that for some centuries past there had been a gr owing pressure of alien peoples downwards into Syria, Hurrians from the Ca spian region being among the first, these paving the way for the Hittit es who followed from the north-west at the end of the sixteenth century. B ut of such movements there can have been no more than distant repercussio ns on the Egyptian border. The invasion of the Delta by a specific new ra ce is out of the question; one must think rather of an infiltration by Pal estinians glad to find refuge in a more peaceful and fertile environmen t. Some, if not most, of these Palestinians were Semites. Scarabs of the p eriod mention chieftains with names like 'Anat-her and Ya'kob-her, and wha tever the meaning of the element -her. 'Anat was a well-known Semitic godd ess, and it is difficult to reject the accepted view that the patriarch Ja cob is commemorated in the other name. It is doubtless impossible to suppr ess the erroneous usage of the word Hyksos as though it referred to a spec ial race, but is should be born in mind that the Egyptians themselves usua lly employed for those unwelcome intruders the term 'Aamu, which we transl ate with rough accuracy as 'Asiatics' and which had much earlier serv ed to designate Palestinian captives or hirelings residing in Egypt as ser vants.
Born ca. 1590 BCE, Died in battle ca. 1553. His throne name, Seqen-en-r e, means "Who strikes like Re." Pharoah, in 17th Dynasty, 2nd Intermedia te Period, ruled from Thebes, Nile River valley, Egypt. The fourteenth ki ng of the Theban Dynasty, ruling Egypt contemporaneously with the Hyksos 1 5th and 16th Dynasties, was the son of Tao I and Queen Tetisheri. When T ao received word from Apophis, ruler of the Hyksos capital in Avaris, th at the hippopotami in the sacred pool at Thebes kept him awake with the ir snoring, Tao regarded it as an insult. The hippopotami were 400 miles f rom Apophis sleeping chambers! Tao declared war but was soon killed. His m ummy shows evidence of blows by battle-axes, spears and lances. His rib s, vertebrae and skull were fractured. His heir, Kamose, assumed the thro ne and the war, and was victorious. His ruling name was "Seqenenre". He was called "Tao II the Brave" and w as the Pharoah of Thebes in Egypt (XVII Dynasty) from about 1558-1553 BCE. Sources: 1. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #1, pps. 70-73 & 289-2 90. 2. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.72 Additional information Killed in battle. The terrible wounds on Seqenenre's skull were caus ed by at least two people attacking him with a dagger, an axe, a spear a nd possibly a mace. The horizontal nature of the four of five wounds indic ate that he was lying on his right side, either asleep, or having been fel led by a blow. The body was hurridly embalmed [perhaps on the battlefiel d] without the usual careful preparation and straightening of the limbs.
Born/Died ca. 1487-1424 BCE Sources: 1. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #1, pp.16-321. 2. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.77-88 Egyptian Pharaoh, reigning from 1504 to 1450 BCE. Thutmose 3 was son of Thutmose 2, and son-in-law to queen Hatshepsu t, as he married her daughter his own half-sister. As an adult ruler, Thutmose 3 conducted 17 successful campaigns which serv ed him a position as the most successful Pharaoh ever in military term s. He extended Egyptian territory and power considerably, into Mesopotam ia and Nubia. The conquered territories were put under control of vassal k ings and chiefs, who paid high taxes to Egypt. He extended the temple at K arnak, as well as constructing new monuments at Abydos, Aswan, Heliopol is and Memphis. His mummy was found in 1881 at Dayru l-Bahri. He was succeeded by Amenhotep 2. BIOGRAPHY 1504 BCE: Taking over as Pharaoh after his father, he soon came seco nd to his mother-in-law Hatshepsut. 1483: With the death of Hatshepsut Thutmose took control, and revenged him self on his mother-in-law by defacing monuments of her. 1482:Thutmose 3 started a number of conquests, and attacked Syria. He w as himself the leaders of the campaigns. 1479: The Syrians seeking refuge in Megiddo, are defeated. After this he a ttacked the powerful kingdom of Mitanni, which controlled norhern Mesopota mia, and experienced quick victories. At the same time, the Egyptian armi es made great advances in Nubia. 1450: Dies. For different reasons, to different people, Egypt's 18th Dynasty is probab ly one of Egypt's most interesting periods. For the general public, Th is was the Dynasty of Tutankhamun, probably the best known, though certain ly not the most powerful pharaoh of all time. To others, Akhenaten, the h eretic king, will provide an everlasting curiosity. Closer to the beginni ng of this Dynasty, Hatshepsut ruled as perhaps the most powerful of all E gyptian queens, even though she often disguised and promoted herself thou gh inscriptions as a man, and even though her predecessor, Tuthmosis II na med his young son to succeed him upon his death. But upon Tuthmosis' deat h, his son, Tuthmosis III was still a young child, so there was little cho ice but for his stepmother and aunt Hatshepsut to initially act as his reg ent. His birth name was probably Djehutymes III in Egyptian, but he is fr equently referred to by his Greek name of Tuthmosis (Born of the god Thoth ). He is also known as Thutmose III, Thutmosis, and his Throne name was M en-kheper-re (Lasting is the Manifestation of Re). By the second year of the young king's rule, Hatshepsut had usurped her st epson's position and so inscriptions and other art began to show her wi th all the regalia of kingship, even down to the official royal false bear d. Yet, at the same time, she did little to really diminish Tuthmosis' ru le, dating her own rule by his regnal years, and representing him frequent ly upon her monuments. It is likely that Tuthmosis III, was lucky to have survived her rule, tho ugh there is some debate on this issue. He obviously stayed well in the b ackground, and perhaps even demonstrated some amount of cunning in ord er to simply keep his life. Because of the prowess he would later demonst rate on the battlefield, we assume he probably spent much of Hatshepsut 's rule in a military position. To an extent, they did rule togethe r, he in a foreign military position, and her taking care of the homelan d. When Hatshepsut finally died, outliving her powerful ministers, Tuthmos is III was at last able to truly inherit the thrown of Egypt, and in doi ng so, proved to be a very able ruler. Interestingly, it was not until the last years of his reign that he demons trated what must have been some anger with his stepmother by destroyi ng as much of her memory as possible. Her images were expunged from monum ents throughout Egypt. This is obvious to most visitors of Egypt because o ne of the most effected monuments was her temple at Deir el-Bahari, tod ay a primary tourist site. There, Tuthmosis III destroyed her reliefs a nd smashed numerous statues into a quarry just in front of the templ e. He even went so far as to attack the tombs of her courtiers. Yet if th is was over the frustration of his youth when she ruled, why did he wait u ntil such a late date to begin the destruction? Military Exploits In any event, Tuthmosis III became a great pharaoh in his own right, and h as been referred to as the Napoleon of ancient Egypt (by the Egyptologist s, James Henry Breasted). But perhaps is reputation is due to the fact th at his battles were recorded in great detail by the archivist, royal scri be and army commander, Thanuny. The battles were recorded on the inside w alls surrounding the granite sanctuary at Karnak, and inscriptions on Than uny's tomb on the west bank state that, "I recorded the victories he w on in every land, putting them into writing according to the facts". Refer red to as the Annals, the inscriptions were done during Tuthmosis' 42nd ye ar as pharaoh, and describe both the battles and the booty that was take n. These events were recorded at Karnak because Tuthmosis's army marched u nder the banner of the god, Amun, and Amun's temples and estates would lar gely be the beneficiary of the spoils of Tuthmosis' wars. Having close ties with his military, Tuthmosis undoubtedly received sage a dvice from his commanders. It was probably decided that the Levant offer ed the greatest potential for glory and wealth if the trade routes dominat ed by Syrian, Cypriot, Palestinian and Aegean rulers could be taken. Tuthmosis III fought with considerable nerve and cunning. On one campaig n, he marched to Gaza in ten days and from Yehem, planned the battle to ta ke take Megiddo which was held by a rebellious prince named Kadesh. The re were three possible approaches to Megiddo, two of which were fairly ope n, straightforward routes while the third was through a narrow pass that s oldiers would only be able to march through in single file. Though he was advised against this dangerous pass by his commanders, Tuthm osis not only took this dangerous route, but actually led the troops throu gh. Whether by luck, or gifted intuition this gamble paid off, for wh en he emerged from the tight canyon, he saw that his enemies had arrang ed their armies to defend the easier routes. In fact, he emerged betwe en the north and south wings of the enemy's armies, and the next day decis ively beat them in battle. It apparently took a long siege (seven month s) to take the city of Megiddo, but the rewards were great. The spoils we re considerable, and included 894 chariots, including two covered with gol d, 200 suites of armor including two of bronze, as well as over 2,000 hors es and 25,000 other animals. Tuthmosis III had marched from Thebes up the Syrian coast fighting decisi ve battles, capturing three cities, and then returned back to Thebes. Ov er the next 18 years, his armies would march against Syria every summer a nd by the end of that period, he established Egyptian dominance over Pales tine. At Karnak he records the capture of 350 cities, and in the 42nd ye ar of his rule, Kadesh itself was finally taken. He also made campaigns into Nubia where he built temples at Amada and Sem na and restored Senusret III's old canal in his 50th year of rule so th at his armies could easily pass on their return to Egypt. Queens and Vassals Tuthmosis' main queen was Hatshepsut-Merytre, who survived him and liv ed as Queen Mother into the reign of her son. However, he also had sever al minor queens, some of whom had been acquired due to diplomatic exchange s. We know the names of three such minor queens, Menhet, Menwi and Merti f rom the discovery of their tomb west of Deir el-Bahri. He also took a numb er of foreign princes hostage, who then received training and indoctrinati on in Egyptian ways. They would later be returned to their homeland as obe dient vassals of Egypt. Building Projects Tuthmosis is well attested in many parts of Egypt and outside of Egyp t. We find blocks deep within Nubia at Gebel Barkal, and also at Sai, Pnu bs at the third cataract, Uronarti, Buhen, Quban, Faras and Ellesiya, as w ell as his temples at Amada and Semna. He also built a temple dedicat ed to the goddess Satet at Elephantine, as well as projects at Kom Ombo, E dfu, El-Kab, Tod, Armant, Akhmim, Hermopolis and Heliopolis. From a li st of one of Tuthmosis' overseers, we also know of projects at Asyut, Atfi sh and various locations in the delta. Tuthmosis III built his own temple near Hatshepsut's on a ledge between h er temple and that of Mentuhotep. His small temple was excavated recent ly by a polish mission. The excavation revealed stunningly fresh relief s, perhaps because a rock fall from the cliffs above covered the temple sh ortly after its completion. Close by, Tuthmosis built a rock cut sanctua ry to the goddess Hathor. This monument was accidentally discover ed by a Swiss team when a rock fall exposed its opening. Apparently, the s hrine was in use up to the Ramesside period, when it was destroyed by an e arthquake. But of the many monuments associated with Tuthmosis III, none faired bett er then the temple of Karnak. Wall reliefs near the sanctuary record the m any gifts of gold jewelry, furniture, rich oils and other gifts offer ed to the temple,. mostly from the spoils of war, by Tuthmosis III. He w as responsible for the Sixth and Seventh Pylons at Karnak, as well as cons iderable reconstruction within the central areas of the temple. He erect ed two obelisks at the temple, one of which survives at the Hippodrom at I stanbul. There is also a great, black granite Victory Stele embellishi ng his military victories. He also built a new and very unique temple at Karnak that is today referr ed to as his Festival Hall. The columns are believed to represent the pol es of the king's campaign tent. In the rear is a a small room with repres entations of animals and plants bought back from Syria during the 25th ye ar of his reign. For obvious reasons, this room is referred to as the Bot anical Garden. The opulence of his reign is also reflected in the quality tombs bui lt by his high officials. The tome of his vizier, Rekhmire is notable, wi th many scenes of daily life, crafts as well as a long inscription concern ing the office of vizier. However, the presence of a military elite is al so attested by no less then eleven Theban tombs from the reign of Tuthmosi s. Information related to tomb in the Valley of the Kings The tomb of Tuthmosis III (KV 34) is said to be one of the most sophistica ted tombs in the Valley of the Kings. Discovered by Victor Loret's workm en in 1898 during this famous Egyptologist's absence, work did not beg in on clearing the rubble form the entrance until his return. He then exca vated the site meticulously, using 24 square grids and recording the place ment of even the smallest of objects. The tomb itself can be found in a narrow gorge at the bottom of the Vall ey of the Kings. The entrance is 30 meters above ground level, but of cour se this did not stop ancient tomb robbers, though Loret did find some fune rary furniture that had been left behind. The orientation of the tomb is such that the entrance lies in the north, w hile the burial chamber deviates to the east, a tradition originating wi th the Middle Kingdom Pyramid of Sesostris II. This complex path symboliz ed the region of the netherworld. Typically for this period, but a first f or the Valley of the King's proper, the tomb begins with a stairway, a cor ridor, a second stairway and a second corridor before reaching the ritu al shaft. The ceiling of the ritual shaft is painted with a blue sky and y ellow stars. After the ritual shaft, like most tombs of this period, the re is a 90 degree turn into the Vestibule, which is then followed by the b urial chamber with its four lateral annexes. While the passages are not de corated, other areas were plastered and painted for the first time. The vestibule has two pillars, and is decorated with the 741 diviniti es of the Amduat that generate the daily sun. A flight of stairs leads di rectly from there to the burial chamber, which is oval and also has two pi llars. The oval burial chamber is common also to the tombs of Thutmos is I and Thutmosis II. The burial chamber is large, and holds a beautif ul red quartzite sarcophagus. However, Tuthmosis III's mummy was not fou nd here, bur rather in tomb DB 320 at Deir el-Bahri (in 1881). The walls of the burial chamber are designed like a huge ornamental scrol l, with the complete text of the Book of Amduat. The ancient Egyptians ca lled this book the "Book of the Secret Room". Amduat meant "that which the re is in the afterlife", and the book is divided into twelve parts, repres enting the hours of the night. On the two square pillars of the burial cha mber, and for the first time, we find passages from the Litani es of Re on seven of the surfaces, and on the eighth a unique scene in whi ch the king is shown being nursed by a divine tree goddess labeled "Isis ". It is likely, however, that these pillar decorations were added hastil y, after the king's death. This tomb had been brutally plundered by reckless robbers. They took no c are whatsoever to prevent damage, and in some instances demonstrated almo st a violent hatred, throwing objects forcefully against the walls, whe re traces of gold foil may still be seen. The principal item of funerary e quipment found in the tomb was the sarcophagus. Other items included a nu mber of wooden statues of the king and various deities, pieces of wooden m odel boats, pottery and bones from a baboon and a bull. However, a founda tion deposit was also discovered that contained model tools, plaques and v essels. A number of other items from the tomb were also discovered by Dar essy, Carter and John Romer in other areas of the Valley of the Kings. Additional Sources: Chronicle of the Pharaohs (The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dyn asties of Ancient Egypt) Clayton, Peter A. 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-05074-0 Complete Valley of the Kings, The (Tombs and Treasures of Egypt's Greate st Pharaohs) Reeves, Nicholas; Wilkinson, Richard H. 1966 Thames and Huds on Ltd IBSN 0-500-05080-5 Mummies Myth and Magic El Mahdy, Christine 1989 Thames and Hudson Ltd IS BN 0-500-27579-3 Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, The Shaw, Ian 2000 Oxford University Pre ss ISBN 0-19-815034-2
Stuart suggests the ancestor of the wives of Rameses I and possibly Se ti I was the primary wife Tiy-Nefertari (1). The succession of heirs n ot directly related to the previous pharoah was frequently cemented by mar riage to daughters of the primary queen (2). Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Page, J.D. and Oliver, R. (eds) "The Cambridge History of Africa" Vo l. I, pp. 866. Born ca. 1400 BCE, died ca. 1350. Her mummy, which is kept in the Egypti an Museum at Cairo, was identified in 1976
Queen Mother dies." She died, a grand old lady, probably in her sixti es in Year 22 or early 23 Ramesses' reign.
See Additional information related to Ramesses-Siptah of Egypt, step-s on of Twosret. Nineteenth Dynasty That for Egypt herself the reign of Ramesses II was a period of great pros perity cannot be doubted. Monuments of the period, dated and undated, a re very numerous, but are mostly memorials of individual persons throwi ng little or no light upon the state of the country as a whole. The val ue of recent attempts to construct a coherent picture out of the titles bo rn by such individuals need not be denied, but the results thus obtained a re too speculative to receive more that a passing glance in the present bo ok. To mention here only the highest functionaries of the administrative a nd the priestly orders respectively, it may be noted that the vizierate w as usually in the hands of a single dignitary, though as the ousts there w as one vizier for Upper Egypt and another for Lower Egypt. The High-prie st of Amen-Re' at Thebes certainly retained his pre-eminence in his own sp here, but his office was not yet hereditary, and we have no means of knowi ng to what extent the wealth of the god's estate had increased or diminish ed since the religious revolution. Two of these pontiffs are interested on ly to tell us by what steps and at what ages they climbed to the top of t he priestly ladder. An exception to such tedious information is found on t he walls of a tomb at Saqqara belonging to a no more exalted personage th an a scribe of the treasury in the Memphite temple of Ptah. Here are set f orth at length the proceedings in a trial in which matter at stake was t he ownership of a tract of land in the neighborhood of Memphis. This estat e, the plaintiff Mose maintained, had been given by King Amosis as a rewa rd to his ancestor Neshi, a ship's captain. Much litigation arose in subse quent generations. In the time of Haremhab, the Great Court sitting the He liopolis and presided over by the Vizier sent a commissioner the locali ty where the property was, whereupon a lady named Wernero was appoint ed to cultivate the land as trustee for her brothers and her sisters. Obje ction to this arrangement having been raised by a sister named Takhar u, a new division was made whereby the estate, hitherto indivisible, was p arceled out between the six heirs. Against this decision Mose's father H uy appealed together with his mother Wernero, but Huy died at this junctur e, and when his widow Nubnofre set about cultivating her husband's inherit ance she was forcibly ejected by a man named Kha'y. As a consequence Nubno fre brought an action, dated to year of 18 of Ramesses II, went against h r, and it was only later that Mose, by this time presumably grown to manho od, appealed for the verdict to be reversed. His deposition was immediate ly followed by that of the defendant Kha'y, and it is from their combin ed statements that we learn what had happened. When the Vizier came to exa mine the title-deeds he could not fail to perceive that there had been for gery on one side or the other. Nubnofre then proposed that a commission er should be sent with Kha'y to consult the official records of Pharaoh 's treasury and granary at the northern capital of Pi-Ra'messe. To her dis may her husband's name was not found in the registers which the two, acti ng in collusion, brought back with them, and accordingly the Vizier, aft er further inquiry, gave judgment in favor of Kha'y, who received in conse quence 13 arouras of land. To Mose, determined to recover his rights, no a lternative was now open but to establish with the help of sworn witness es the facts of his descent from Neshi and of his father's having cultivat ed the estate year by year and having paid the taxes on it. The testimo ny afforded by the men and women cited by him, taken together with the wri tten evidence previously used, no longer left any uncertainty as to the ri ghtness of his cause, and though the end of the hieroglyphic inscripti on is lost we cannot doubt that the Great Court together with the lesser o ne at Memphis delivered a final verdict re-established Mose in his inherit ance. The colorful and vivid story here told, though dealing with only a s mall estate and relatively unimportant litigants, is so illuminating th at it cannot be studied with too great care. One point of importance th at emerges is the equality of men and women as regards both proprietorsh ip and competence in the law-courts. The second half of Ramesses II's reign seems to have been free from maj or wars. Khattusilis's son and successor Tudhaliyas IV was too much absorb ed with his western frontier and with his religious duties to give contr ol to any aggressive intentions, and indeed the once so powerful Hittite E mpire was already moving towards it decline. However, in keeping the pea ce with Khatti Egypt, was merely exchanging one adversary for another sti ll more formidable? It was no longer a question of Egypt's upholding her s overeignty in a distant province, now her own borders were seriously threa tened. It is unnecessary to suppose that Sethos I's conflict with the Tjeh nu depicted as at Karnak was a very big affair, but it foreshadowed the tr ouble which was to come from that quarter before long. There is written ev idence that the north-west corner of the Delta was protected from Libyan i nvasion by a chain of fortresses extending along the Mediterranean coas t. Many stele of the time of Ramesses II have come to light near El-'Alame in and others even still farther to the west. At Es-Sebua' in Lower Nubi a, an inscription of year 44 tells of Tjemhu captives employed in the buil ding of the temple there. It was in the fifth year of Mereptah that the da nger came to a head, the ringleader being Maraye, son of Did, the ki ng of that tribe of Libu (Libyans) which here makes its first appearanc e. Among the allies of his won race were the already mentioned Kehek and M eshwesh, but he had also summoned to his aid five 'peoples of the sea'; fo rerunners of the great migratory movement about to descend on Egypt and Pa lestine from north and west. The names of these confederates are of the ut most interest since, like the Dardanians and Luka (Lycians) who support ed the Hittites at the battle of Kadesh, they introduce us, or seem to int roduce us, to racial groups familiar from the early Hellenic world. The Ak awasha mentioned here but never again hereafter are as a rule confident ly equated with the Achaeans of Mycenaean Greece, but the writing does n ot quite square with that of the much disputed Ahhiyawa of the Hittite tab lets, who at all events have an equal claim. The Luka appear to have play ed only a minor part, and occur in the Egyptian records only once aga in in the name of a slave. To identify the Tursha with the Tyrsenoi, oft en asserted to be the ancestors of the Etruscans, is too tempting to be di smissed out of hand, like the Shekresh or Sheklesh who so irresistibly rec all the name of the Sikeloi or Sicilians. The presumption that some of t he Tursha and the Sheklesh fought on the side of the Egyptians is certain ly due to a mistranslation. Unhappily there are no reliefs to illustrate t he appearance of these enemies of Mereptah. The only clue to their identit y, beyond their names, is the indication that the Libu were uncircumcise d; therefore, they were made to suffer the dishonor of having the genita ls of their slain piled up for presentation to the king. The Sherden, Shek lesh, Akawasha and Tursha, being circumcised as the Egyptians themselves h ad been from time immemorial, received only the lesser disgrace of their h ands being cut off and presented instead. However, this indication complic ates the problem rather than the reverse. We may perhaps sum up the probab ilities regarding these 'peoples of the sea' by saying that since all the ir names so readily find affinities in the Hellenic world, some at lea st of the proposed identifications are likely to be correct. However, the re is no guarantee that the tribes in question were already located in t he places where they ultimately settled down. The details of Merenptah's great victory over the invaders were recount ed in a long inscription carved on a wall of the temple of Karnak. The top most blocks of the vertical columns of hieroglyphs having disappeared, n ot enough remains to slake our curiosity; nor is the situation remedi ed by some equally defective narratives from elsewhere. What we do glea n, however, is highly interesting. It was no mere excursion in quest of pl under that had been attempted, but permanent settlement in a new home. Mar aye and his allies had brought their women and children with them, as we ll as cattle and a wealth of weapons and utensils which were subsequent ly captured. Yet, it was want that had prompted them to this venture. Such was the nature of the Libyans as it appeared to Merenptah on heari ng of the graver attack that now confronted him. The attack must have co me from pretty far west, from Cyrenaica or even beyond, since Maraye's fir st move was to descend upon and occupy the land of Tjehnu. It was not lo ng before they had plundered the frontier fortresses, and some of them h ad even penetrated to the oasis of Farafra. The Great River or Canopic bra nch of the Nile marked, however, the limit of their advance, and the decis ive battle, when it came, seems to have been at an unidentified locality n amed Pi-yer, doubtless well within the Delta. It is plain that Merenptah h imself took no part in the struggle. He must have been already an old m an when he came to the throne. Still the victory was naturally credited hi m, after he had seen in a dream a great image of the god Ptah who handed h im a scimitar saying 'Take hold here and put off the faint heart from thee '. Six hours of fighting sufficed to rout the enemy, the wretched Maraye e scaping capture by fleeing homeward at dead of night. The total of Libya ns killed exceeded 6,000, not counting many hundreds of the allies, a nd of prisoners taken there seem to have been more than 9,000. These at le ast are the figures which emerge form the two damaged sources at our dispo sal, but of course we must make allowance for the usual exaggeration. The mention of Israel in Egyptian writing is unique, and could not fa il to be disturbing to scholars who at the time of the discovery in 1896 m ostly believed Merenptah to have been the Pharaoh of the Exodus. The expla nations now given are numerous. Actually, the name does not occur aga in in non-Biblical sources until after the middle of the ninth century B C, when Mesha King of Moab is said to have fought with Israel. That Merenp tah actually did put forth some military activity in Palestine is confirm ed by the epithet 'reducer of Gezer' which he receives in an inscripti on at Amada. Otherwise, conditions on the north-eastern front appear to ha ve remained peaceful and normal. Extracts from the journal of a border off icial, dated in Merenptah's year 3, enumerate the successive sendings of d ispatches to different garrison-commanders and other persons, among them t he prince of Tyre. A literary papyrus, probably written in Merenptah's rei gn, contains a composition which is as instructive as it is amusing. Th is professes to be the reply by a scribe, Hori, to a letter just receiv ed from his friend the scribe Amenemope. After the elaborate greetings a nd compliments, Hori expresses his disappointment and then launches o ut on a long ironic demonstration of Amenemope's incompetence. The helper s, whom he has called to his aid, have not improved matters. Various situa tions are cited in proof of the criticisms: Amenemope has failed in his ta sks of supplying the troops with rations, of building a ramp, of erecti ng a colossal statue, and so forth. But it is his ignorance of northern Sy ria which comes in for the severest condemnation. Many well-known places a re named which this pretender to the rank of maher has never visited or wh ere some trouble or other has befallen him. He has never reached Beis an or crossed the Jordan. He knows nothing about Byblos or Tyre. His hor se has run away and his chariot has been smashed. Even towns as near at ha nd as Raphia and Gaza are unknown to him. Needless to say, one of the chi ef reasons for writing this strange work has been to give the author the c hance of airing his own knowledge. Historically the text is enlightened in asmuch as there must have been a class of able scribes who had an intima te acquaintance with Palestine and Syria and were accustomed to travel the re without mishap. It is under Ramesses II, at latest, that an entirely different source of c ultural and historical information begins to assume outstanding importanc e. Whether or not the Pharaoh now lived at and governed from one or oth er of the Delta capitals, he always aspired to burial in the ancestral nec ropolis of skilled workmen was continuously engaged upon the excavation a nd decoration of his tomb in the Biban el-Moluk. These men and their famil ies formed a special community dwelling in the village of Der el-Medina hi gh up in the desert above the great funerary temple of Amenophis III and e very aspect of their lives and interests is revealed in the writings fou nd either here or in the actual place of their daily work. Papyrus being c omparatively rare, expensive and perishable, most of what has surviv ed is inscribed on the scraps of limestone and the pot-shreds which l ay on the ground only asking to be used and which Egyptologists known und er the somewhat inappropriate name of 'ostraca'. Thousands have been publi shed and thousands more await publication in our museums or in private han ds. Besides literary, religious, and magical fragments there are recor ds of barter, payment of wages in corn or copper, hire of donkeys for agri cultural purposes, lawsuits, attendance at and absences from work, visi ts of high officials, model and actual letters, in fact memoranda of eve ry kind. No synthesis can be here attempted, but it was necessary to menti on a mass of material through which a restricted, but not significant, pic ture of Ramesside life can be brought before the eyes of the modern reader . Merenptah was an old man when he died, bald and obese. His end may have be en thought to be approaching as early as his eighth year, when the prepara tions for his funeral were being actively pursued. Nevertheless, he linger ed on for two years more. No doubt he was buried in the granite sarcophag us of which the beautiful lid is still to be seen in this tomb in the Bib an el-Moluk, but at some later period his mummy was moved to the tomb of A menophis II, where Loret discovered it in 1898. With his death, we enter u pon a series of rather short reigns, the sequence of which has been much d ebated. The problem is of the kind at once the joy and the torment of Egyp tologists. Prominent here again is the question of superimposed cartouche s, another royal name being substituted for one that has been chiseled ou t. Arguments based upon this procedure are, as has been already said, high ly uncertain. Apart from the difficulty of deciding which name lies upperm ost, there always remains the possibility that this belonged to the earli er of the two kings, having been restored as the result of some loyal ty or animosity which cannot now be understood. Here the reader must re st content with a bare statement of what seems the most probable cour se of events. There is little doubt but that Merenptah was followed by h is son SetI-merenptah, mostly known as Sethos II. Memoranda on ostraca men tion both the date of his accession and that of his death, this latter occ urring in his sixth year. In the meantime, a certain Neferhotep, one of t he two chief workmen of the necropolis, had been replaced by another nam ed Pneb, against whom many crimes were alleged by Neferhotep's brother Ame nnakhte in a violently worded indictment preserved in a papyrus in the Bri tish Museum. If Amennakhte can be trusted, Pneb had stolen stone for the e mbellishment of his own tomb from that of Sethos II still in course of com pletion, besides purloining or damaging other property belonging to that m onarch. Also he had tried to kill Neferhotep in spite of having been educa ted by him, and after the chief workman had been killed by 'the enemy' h ad bribed the vizier Pra'emhab in order to usurp his place. Whatever the t ruth of these accusations, it is clear that Thebes was going through ve ry troubled times. There are references elsewhere to a 'war' that had occu rred during these years, but it is obscure to what this word alludes, perh aps to no more than internal disturbances and discontent. Neferhotep had c omplained of the attacks upon himself to the vizier Amenmose, presumab ly a predecessor of Pra'emhab, whereupon Amenmose had punished Pneb. Th is trouble-maker had then brought a complaint before 'Mose', who had depos ed the vizier from his office. Evidently this 'Mose' must have been a pers onage of the most exalted station, and it seems inevitable to identify h im with an ephemeral king Amenmesse whose brief reign may have fallen eith er before or within that of Sethos II. A tomb belonging to Amenmesse exis ts in the Biban el-Moluk, but it is a relatively poor affair in which mo st of the decorations have been erased, though enough of the inscriptio ns remains to furnish us with the name of his mother Takha'e, possibly a d aughter of Ramesses II. The monument of Sethos II are scanty, the most imp osing being a small temple in the forecourt at Karnak, and nothing mo re is known about the events of his reign. In his well-decorated tomb h is cartouches have been erased and later replaced, the erasure being perha ps the handiwork of Amenmesse. Elliot Smith, describing his mummy fou nd in the tomb of Amenophis II, speaks of him as a young or middle-aged ma n. His immediate successor was a son who was at first given the name Ra'messe -Siptah, but who for some mysterious reason changed it to Merenptah-Sipt ah before the third year of his reign. He is closely associated in mo st of his few inscriptions with an important functionary named bay, who bo asts of having been 'the great chancellor of the entire land'. There is go od reason for thinking that Bay was a Syrian by birth, possibly one of tho se court officials who in this age frequently rose to power by the royal f avor. In two graffitis, he receives the highly significant epithet 'who es tablished the king upon the seat of his father' and it is almost certain t hat he was in fact the actual 'king-maker'. The epithet in question impli es that Siptah was a son of Sethos II, but it is unknown of his accessi on since he was still young when he died after a reign of perhaps not mo re than six years. There now comes upon the scene a remarkable woman of t he name of Twosre. Jewelry discovered by Theodore Davis in a nameless cac he of the Biban el-Moluk shows her to have been Sethos II's principal wif e. A silver bracelet depicts her standing before her husband and pouring w ine into his outstretched goblet. It is a strange and unprecedented thi ng that three contemporaries should all have possessed tombs in the Vall ey of the Tombs of the Kings. The tomb of Bay is small and unadorned, b ut still its location testifies to the power which he must have exercise d. Siptah's tomb, in which his mummy doubtless lay until shifted to th at of Amenophis II, is much more imposing, but the cartouches on its wal ls have been cut out and later replaced, like those in the tomb of Seth os II. Twosre's tomb is even more intriguing. Here she bears the title Kin g's Great Wife by virtue of her marriage to Sethos II, but an isolated sce ne shows her standing behind Siptah who is offering to the earth-god. Sipt ah's name has been destroyed and that of Sethos II substituted for it. Sin ce there are excellent reasons for thinking that Sethos was the earli er of the two kings, this replacement must have been due to Twosre's lat er preference to be depicted with the king who had been her actual husban d. Subsequently Sethnakhte, the founder of Dyn. XX, took possession and po ssibly destroyed Twosre's mummy, after someone had removed, to a pla ce of safety, the jewelry above mentioned. The sole hypothesis, which see ms to account for these complicated facts, supposes that when Bay forced t he youthful Siptah onto the throne, Twosre was compelled to accept the sit uation. She still retained sufficient power to insist on having her own to mb in the Valley, an honor previously accorded to only one other royal ty of female sex, namely Hashepsowe, Tuthmosis III's aunt. Like Hashepsow e, Twosre ultimately assumed the titles of a Pharaoh and possibly reign ed alone for a few years. Siptah had caused a small funerary temp le to be built for himself to the north of the Ramesseum at Thebes, and he re the name of Bay figures with his own on the foundation deposits, a star tling fact that goes far towards demonstrating the interpretation here giv en. Of Twosre only one stray intrusive scarab was found there. Twosre's se parate funerary sanctuary to the south of the Ramesseum may have been beg un at the same time or else may be somewhat later. Here she assumed a seco nd cartouche which is also found combined with the first on a plaque sa id to come from Kantir in the Delta, and there are a few more traces of h er reign in the north, and even at the turquoise mines of Sinai. Manetho e nds Dyn. XIX with a king Thuoris said to have reigned seven years, and the re can be but little doubt that the distorted name and erroneous sex reca ll the existence of the third woman in Egyptian history who had possess ed ability enough to wrest to herself the Double Crown, but whose power h ad been insufficient to secure the perpetuation of her dynastic line.
Born/Died ca. 1304-1212 BCE At age 96. Buried: Valley of the Kings, Luxo r, Egypt His rulingname was "Usermaetre-Setpenre" and he was the Pharoah of Egypt ( XIX Dynasty) from about 1279 to 1212 BCE. Because of the widespread looti ng of tombs during the 21st Dynasty the priests removed Ramesses body a nd took it to a holding area where the valuable materials such, as gold-le af and semi-precious inlays, were removed. The body was then rewrapped a nd taken to the tomb of an 18th Dynasty queen, Inhapi. The bodies of Rames ses I and Seti I were done in like fashion and all ended up at the same pl ace. Amenhotep I's body had been placed there as well at an earlier tim e. Seventy-two hours later, all of the bodies were again moved, this ti me to the Royal Cache that was inside the tomb of High Priest Pinudjem I I. The priests documented all of this on the linen that covered the bodie s. This "systematic" looting by the priests was done in the guise of prote cting the bodies from the "common" thieves Sources: 1. Stuart, R.W. "Royalty for Commoners", line 425. 2. Edwards, I.E.S., Gadd, C.J., Hammond, N.G.L. and Sollberger, E. (eds .) "The Cambridge Ancient History" 3rd Ed., Vol.II, #2A, pp.225-232. 3. Dodson, A. "Monarchs of the Nile" pp.209 The son of Seti I and Queen Tuya was the third king of the 19th Dynasty. C alled Ramesses the Great, he lived to be 96 years old, had 200 wives and c oncubines, 96 sons and 60 daughters. One son, Prince Khaemwese, was a hi gh priest of Ptah, governor of Memphis, and was in charge of the restorati on of the Pyramid of Unas. This son was buried in The Serapeum. Ramess es II outlived the first thirteen of his heirs. Ramesses was named co-rul er with his father, Seti I, early in his life. He accompanied his fath er on numerous campaigns in Libya and Nubia. At the age of 22 Ramesses we nt on a campaign in Nubia with two of his own sons. Seti I and Ramesses bu ilt a palace in Avaris where Ramesses I had started a new capital. When Se ti I died in 1290 B.C., Ramesses assumed the throne and began a seri es of wars against the Syrians Additional Information: Ramses II (reigned 1279-1212 BCE), ancient Egyptian king, third ruler of t he 19th Dynasty. During his early reign Ramses fought a long war against t he Hittites to regain former Egyptian territories in Africa and western As ia. In 1258 BCE a treaty was signed whereby the contested lands were divid ed and Ramses agreed to marry the daughter of the Hittite king. The remain ing years of his rule were distinguished by the construction of great monu ments. Source: Free Concise Encyclopedia Article The Battle of Kadesh, Egyptian Accounts 1294 BCE Beginning of the victory of King Usermare-Setepnere Ramses II, who is giv en life, forever, which he achieved in the land of Kheta and Naharin, in t he land of Arvad, in Pedes, in the Derden, in the land of Mesa, in the la nd of Kelekesh, Carchemish, Kode, the land of Kadesh, in the land of Ekere th, and Mesheneth. Behold, his majesty prepared his infantry and his chariotry, the Sherd en of the captivity of his majesty from the victories of his word - they g ave the plan of battle. His majesty proceeded northward, his infantry a nd his chariotry being with him. He began the goodly way to march. Ye ar 5, the second month of the third season tenth month, on the ninth da y, his majesty passed the fortress of Tharu, like Montu when he goes fort h. Every country trembled before him, fear was in their hearts; all the re bels came bowing down for fear of the fame of his majesty, when his army c ame upon the narrow road, being like one who is upon the highway. Now, after many days after this, behold, his majesty was in Usermare-Meria mon, the city of cedar. His majesty proceeded northward, and he then arriv ed at the highland of Kadesh. Then his majesty marched before, like his fa ther, Montu lord of Thebes, and crossed over the channel of the Orontes, t here being with him the first division of Amon named: "Victory-of-King-Use rmare-Setepnere." When his majesty reached the city, behold, the wretched, vanquished chi ef of Kheta had come, having gathered together all countries from the en ds of the sea to the land of Kheta, which came entire: the Naharin likewis e, and Arvad, Mesa, Keshkesh, Kelekesh, Luka, Kezweden, Carchemish, Ekeret h, Kode, the entire land of Nuges, Mesheneth, and Kadesh. He left not a co untry which was not brought together with their chiefs who were with hi m, every man bringing his chariotry, an exceeding great multitude, witho ut its like. They covered the mountains and the valleys; they were like gr asshoppers with their multitudes. He left not silver nor gold in his la nd but he plundered it of all its possessions and gave to every countr y, in order to bring them with him to battle. Behold, the wretched, vanquished chief of Kheta, together with numerous al lied countries, were stationed in battle array, concealed on the northwe st of the city of Kadesh, while his majesty was alone by himself, with h is bodyguard, and the division of Amon was marching behind him. The divisi on of Re crossed over the river-bed on the south side of the town of Shabt una, at the distance of an iter from the division of Amon; the divisi on of Ptah was on the south of the city of Aranami; and the division of Su tekh was marching upon the road. His majesty had formed the first ra nk of all the leaders of his army, while they were on the shore in the la nd of the Amor. Behold, the wretched vanquished chief of Kheta was station ed in the midst of the infantry which was with him, and he came not o ut to fight, for fear of his majesty. Then he made to go the people of t he chariotry, an exceedingly numerous multitude like the sand, being thr ee people to each span. Now, they had made their combinations thus: amo ng every three youths was one man of the vanquished of Kheta, equipped wi th all the weapons of battle. Lo, they had stationed them in battle arra y, concealed on the northwet the city of Kadesh. They came forth from the southern side of Kadesh, and they cut through t he division of Re in its middle, while they were marching without knowi ng and without being drawn up for battle. The infantry and chariotry of h is majesty retreated before them. Now, his majesty had halted on the nor th of the city of Kadesh, on the western side of the Orontes. Then came o ne to tell it to his majesty His majesty shone like his father Montu, when he took the adornments of wa r; as he seized his coat of mail, he was like Baal in his hour. The gre at span which bore his majesty called: "Victory-in-Tebes," from the gre at stables of Ramses II, was in the midst of the leaders. His majesty halt ed in the rout; then he charged into the foe, the vanquished of Kheta, bei ng alone by himself and none other with him. When his majesty went to lo ok behind him, he found 2,500 chariotry surrounding him, in his way out, b eing all the youth of the wretched Kheta, together with its numerous alli ed countries: from Arvad, from Mesa, from Pedes, from Keshkesh, from Erwen et, from Kezweden, from Aleppo, Eketeri, Kadesh, and Luka, being three m en to a span, acting in unison. Year 5, third month of the third season, day 9; under the majesty of Horu s: Mighty Bull, Beloved of Truth; King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermare- Setepnere; Son of Re; Ramses-Meriamon, given life forever. Lo, his majesty was in Zahi on his second victorious campaign. The good ly watch in life, prosperity and health, in the tent of his majesty, w as on the highland south of Kadesh. When his majesty appeared like the rising of Re, he assumed the adornmen ts of his father, Montu. When the king proceeded northward, and his majes ty had arrived at the locality south of the town of Shabtuna, there came t wo Shasu, to speak to his majesty as follows: "Our brethren, who belo ng to the greatest of the families with the vanquished chief of Kheta, ha ve made us come to his majesty, to say: 'We will be subjects of Pharaoh a nd we will flee from the vanquished chief of Kheta; for the vanquished chi ef of Kheta sits in the land of Aleppo, on the north of Tunip. He fears be cause of Pharaoh to come southward.'" Now, these Shasu spake these word s, which they spake to his majesty, falsely, for the vanquished chief of K heta made them come to spy where his majesty was, in order to cause the ar my of his majesty not to draw up for fighting him, to battle with the vanq uished chief of Kheta. Lo, the vanquished chief of Kheta came with every chief of every countr y, their infantry and their chariotry, which he had brought with him by fo rce, and stood, equipped, drawn up in line of battle behind Kadesh the Dec eitful, while his majesty knew it not. Then his majesty proceeded northwa rd and arrived on the northwest of Kadesh; and the army of his majesty ma de camp there. Then, as his majesty sat upon a throne of gold, there arrived a scout w ho was in the following of his majesty, and he brought two scouts of the v anquished chief of Kheta. They were conducted into the presence, and his m ajesty said to them: "What are ye?" They said: "As for us, the vanquish ed chief of the Kheta has caused that we should come to spy out where h is majesty is." Said his majesty to them: "He! Where is he, the vanquish ed chief of Kheta? Behold, I have heard, saying: 'He is in the land of Ale ppo,'" Said they: "See, the vanquished chief of Kheta is stationed, togeth er with many countries, which he has brought with him by force, being eve ry country which is in the districts of the land of Kheta, the land of Nah arin, and all Kode. They are equipped with infantry and chariotry, beari ng their weapons; more numerous are they than the sand of the shore. Se e, they are standing, drawn up for battle, behind Kadesh the Deceitful." Then his majesty had the princes called into the presence, and had them he ar every word which the two scouts of the vanquished chief of Kheta, who w ere in the presence, had spoken. Said his majesty to them: "See ye the man ner wherewith the chiefs of the peasantry and the officials under wh om is the land of Pharaoh have stood, daily, saying to the Pharaoh: 'The v anquished chief of Kheta is in the land of Aleppo; he has fled before h is majesty, since hearing that, behold, he came.' So spake they to his maj esty daily. But see, I have held a hearing in this very hour, with the t wo scouts of the vanquished chief of Kheta, to the effect that the vanquis hed chief of Kheta is coming, together with the numerous countries that a re with him, being people and horses, like the multitudes of the sand. Th ey are stationed behind Kadesh the Deceitful. But the governors of the cou ntries and the officials under whose authority is the land of Pharaoh we re not able to tell it to us." Said the princes who were in the presence of his majesty: "It is a great f ault, which the governors of the countries and the officials of Pharaoh ha ve committed in not informing that the vanquished chief of Kheta was ne ar the king; and in that they told his report to his majesty daily." Then the vizier was ordered to hasten the army of his majesty, while th ey were marching on the south of Shabtuna, in order to bring them to the p lace where his majesty was. Lo, while his majesty sat talking with the princes, the vanquished chi ef of Kheta came, and the numerous countries, which were with him. They cr ossed over the channel on the south of Kadesh, and charged into the ar my of his majesty while they were marching, and not expecting it. Then t he infantry and chariotry of his majesty retreated before them, northwa rd to the place where his majesty was. Lo, the foes of the vanquished chi ef of Kheta surrounded the bodyguard of his majesty, who were by his side. When his majesty saw them, he was enraged against them, like his father, M ontu, lord of Thebes. He seized the adornments of battle, and arrayed hims elf in his coat of mail. He was like Baal in his hour. Then he betook hims elf to his horses, and led quickly on, being alone by himself. He charg ed into the foes of the vanquished chief of Kheta, and the numerous countr ies which were with him. His majesty was like Sutekh, the great in strengt h, smiting and slaying among them; his majesty hurled them headlong, one u pon another into the water of the Orontes. "I charged all countries, while I was alone, my infantry and my chariot ry having forsaken me. Not one among them stood to turn about. I swea r, as Re loves me, as my father, Atum, favors me, that, as for every matt er which his majesty has stated, I did it in truth, in the presen ce of my infantry and my chariotry." Source: James Henry Brested, Ancient Records of Egypt: Historical Document s. (Chicago: 1906), III:136-147